JSAE Fall/Winter 2002

Folk Poetry as an Identity Creating Instrument(On Serbian and Croatian Examples)

Maja Boskovic-StulliInstitute of Ethnology and

Folklore Studies (Zagreb)

Translation by Evelina MiSdin

Translation revised by Lelija Sodanac

Paper originally presented in German as "Volksdichtung als Mittel der Identitdtsbildung (Am serbischen undKroatischen Beispiel) " at the Conference 15. Interdisziplindres Symposion auf der Brunnenburg. Dorf Tirol/Siidtirol 17.

- 21. Oktober 2001 on the topic "Folk Literature and Cultural Identity. Regional and Supraregional Perspectives "

(Proceedings in print).

Abstract:The author discusses the ways in which popular tradition can beused as a political instrument to present ethnic identity, which isespecially true of the epic poetry starting from the 19th century. Anumber of German, Soviet and Serbian examples from the pastare used to illustrate the point. Serbian 19th epic poetry and theglorification of allegedly heroic mountain-dwellers' mentality isdiscussed as instrumental in instigating the recent militaryaggression in the Balkans. In Croatia, some basically myth-makingtraditions lacking actual historical foundations are cultivated as ameans of creating images of former glory, which was especiallyprominent during the recent war. The author discusses crueltiescharacterising the epic poetry of both nations (Serbian andCroatian), as well as the immanent political features inherent inthe epic genre, pointing out that they are not a result of centuries-long "Balkan hatred", but should rather be seen as phenomenawhich, mutatis mutandis, can be observed everywhere, even incountries where the past seems to have been overcome once andfor all. [Key words: epic poetry, historical myths, war in theBalkans, ethnic identity]

According to Gottfried Korff, ethnic identity is not themain reason underlying the concept of the state, as seen byearlier, especially German nationalist theories; the reason,however, can be found in the 'myth-symbol-complex' Thiscomplex functions as the "integrating ideology on the internal[plane] and as a differentiating ideology on the external plane"(Korff 1996:222). After 1989, this mythical symbolic complexsurfaced in new national states relying, inter alia, on "symbolicconstructs of ethnic identity such as folklore and folk art"(Korff 1996:229). As a result, as is often the case at times oftransition and crisis, folk traditions "do not bring only positiveidentity definitions, but can also develop extremely aggressiveand destructive potential" (Korff 1996:229). Partly relyingon these views, Croatian ethno-anthropologist Dunja Rihtman-AuguStin discusses Croatian popular culture and art in itshistorical development, with a special reference to the present-day situation. Without going to any extremes, she claims that

"the symbolic role of folk culture in the 19* century nationalintegration processes was not only justified", but alsonecessary. Today, however, insisting "on the primordial essenceof ethnicity" is highly disputable, without taking intoconsideration any dynamic, and relying heavily on nationalexclusivity, "when professionals in 'folk' research march tothe tune of the national ideology and bow to political dictates,and set to concocting a new form of the myth-symbol-complex"(Rihtman-AuguStin 2000:333-334).

According to Ivan Eoloviae, a Serbian cultural andpolitical anthropologist, conceptions of the Serbian ethnicidentity which have been expressed in the so-called new folk-style political and patriotic poems, reveal the topoi of present-day public discourse on ethnicity and identity: collectivememory, religion, language, tradition, and territory. In all these,he sees the static neo-romantic model, close to the earliertheories of psychology and folk character, which can be foundin different periods, from German Romanticism toethnopsychological, characterological, and race theoriesbetween the two wars. "The image of Serbian ethnic identityhas been adjusted to the needs of the new nationalistic andpopulistic ideology and Serbian war propaganda" (Eoloviae2000b: 161; see also Eoloviae 2000a:84-95, chapter on"Identity").

In his analysis of the cultural, political and folklorecontext of recent wars in the territory of the former Yugoslavia,Croatian cultural anthropologist and publicist Ivo 2aniae showsthat "frustrations which have accumulated within the closed,autistic epic subculture have certainly had a large share in thecatastrophe 1990-1995" (Zaniae 1998:287).

I have presented the views of Dunja Rihtman-Augustin, Ivan Eoloviae and Ivo Zaniae (other names couldalso be mentioned) not only because of their relevance, butalso to correct the one-sided, although not completely incorrectbelief "that linguists and anthropologists both in Croatia andSerbia have persistently tried to make the ethnic differences

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between the two linguistic and symbolic forms amenable tomanipulation and communication" (Korff 1996:230).

From its beginning, ethnography {Volkskunde) hasbeen an intersection point between science and ideology, sothat even today they can hardly be separated. The persistentemphasis on immutability and constant continuity, i.e. on pureoriginality, "suits" nationalist ideologies.

Along with the work on ethnos and identity andtheories of folk character, the views of the influential Serbiangeographer Jovan Cvijiae (1865-1927) should also bementioned. He describes the Serbs, mostly cattle breeders fromthe mountainous Dinaric areas, as deeply embedded in theirpatriarchal culture, as tall, slim, elastic, handsome, sharpsighted, "with high moral principles of mountain people, withchivalrous and often elegant features, and a deep feeling forcommunity and self-denial" (Cvijiae 1987c:37). In discussingthe Dinaric Serbs in connection with the epic poem ZenidbaMaksima Crnojevicea (The Marriage of Maksim Crnojeviae),Cvijiae describes their alleged characteristics, such assensitivity, energy, imagination, humor, vanity, perfectlanguage, Serbian national feeling, grieving over their pastdefeat on the Kosovo field, the beautiful epic poetry, Serbianorthodox religion, violence, sincerity, lucidity, haughtiness,intrepidity, emotionality, Dinaric softness and mercifulness(Cvijiae 1987b: 183-192). Cvijiae portrays all these featuresas static, as if they were some innate superior characteristics.According to Cvijiae, the Dinaric man is deeply bound to hisnational ancestors, to the royal and imperial line of the ancientNemanjiae dynasty and the Battle of Kosovo and later tohajduks, heroic robbers from the period of the Turkish rule,as well as to Karadorde insurgents from the beginning of the19th century. The Dinaric man considers them all to be hisancestors and takes part "in hajduk sufferings as rendered inpoems" (...) "The Dinaric man believes that he should killthe Turks not only to revenge his ancestors, but also to easetheir pains, which are also his" (...) "They have not gainedthis patriotic zeal from schools and books" (...) The Balkanwars at the beginning of the 20th century and the First WorldWar were only some of the proofs "of the depth and nobilityof national feeling" Every Serb wants to achieve freedomand independence for all the countries that were a part of hisstate, as well as of those where his brothers live outside theSerbian borders, who "do not have complete moral orintellectual freedom. They have to be liberated by constantheroism, sacrifices and blood" People of energetic andimpulsive temperament are born in the Dinaric area. Theyeasily sacrifice their lives for moral ideas and noble causes.The Dinaric motto is holy revenge. The Serbian national ideais oriented in this direction, along with the hajduks, uskoksand avengers derived from this idea (Cvijiae 1987a:342-345).This political program which is always alive and constantlyrenewed can be illustrated by Jovan Cvijiae, who took epicfolk poems to be the sources of patriotic zeal (which, to quotehis words, was not inspired by schools and books). However,

both books and school had a significant influence on theselection and formation of folk poems, which were propagatedaccording to the desired ideas. The same books were then usedto draw conclusions about the innate national character.(Cvijiae's texts have been presented here according toBoSkoviae-Stulli 2002:149-150. All of the direct quotationshave been taken from Cvijiae 1987a, 1987b, and 1987c).

Such authoritative views about the superior characterof the Dinaric mountain Serbs and their irrational spirit whichhas allegedly remained unchanged for centuries became dateda long time ago. At the end of the 20th century, however,Cvijiae's works were widely published in Serbia (the formerYugoslavia) again. They can be seen as the basis of properethnicity providing a justification for the future expansion.

Starting from a criticism of its basic ideas, Bausingerhas analysed the Nazi ethnography and its strained attemptsto find the Nordic, Germanic racial features in poems anddances, forms of village houses or tools, and in customs andhabits (Bausinger 1987:68 passim).

In the periods of ideologisation and politicisation offolklore study, i.e. the science of oral literature in the SovietUnion, science was always adjusted to changes resulting fromrecent party policies. Distinguished scientists were involved,denying their former views and admitting their "mistakes";some nevertheless tried to preserve the status and dignity oftheir profession as much as possible. After the OctoberRevolution, folklore was initially treated as a "feudal" and"kulak" product along the lines of RAPP (Worker'sAssociation of the Proletarian Writers). Such views were laterchanged in accordance with the development of the nationalSoviet (Russian) ideology. At the Congress of Soviet writersin 1934, Maksim Gorky found materialistic features ofprimitive' opinions, as well as optimism and a glorification

of work in folk poetry (Gorky 1935). In a discussion thatfollowed, folklore was seen as a weapon against the bourgeoisieand fascism. Soon after, heroes of the Russian epic poetrywere not regarded as feudal gentlemen any longer but as"proponents of the Russian national heroic features" Classprotest and Russian folklore patriotism were increasinglymanipulated. Following the Second World War (1948), thebest scholars, who had previously been highly respected,became persecuted for different reasons, such as A. N.Veselovsky (1940) because of his comparative method (hewas long dead at the time, but his works were still widelyread); P.G Bogatyrev (see Bogatyrev 1971:523-543) becauseof his structuralist-functionalistic method; V. J. Propp (1946)because of his book on the origin of fairy tales, comparing theritual and myth of'primitive peoples' with Russian fairy talesand thus allegedly paying homage to imperialisticcosmopolitanism; and M.K. Azadovsky (1938) because of hisessay claiming that some of PuSkin's tales were based onGrimm rather than on Russian folk tales. As a student inLeningrad, at the time, I witnessed the beginning of thesepersecutions (BoSkoviae-Stulli 2002:275-276).

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This extremely harsh criticism that could have verydangerous consequences for people's destinies was alwaysbased on the same ideological concept of underlying pressuresto support one's own 'proper' nation.

It is not only the views of folk tradition which aredirectly ideologically and ethnically marked that can influence

JSAE Fall/Winter 2002

and men again\" (Begoviae 1986:11). In the afterword to thesecond edition which was published a hundred years later, theeditor praised Begoviae's efforts in preserving autochthonousSerbian customs and "protecting" them from the influence ofother religions (Begoviae 1986:348).

By using ethnographic materials in this way, thethe creation of exclusive images of proper identity; seemingly emphasis was put on everything that was considered to beneutral presentations of material can have the same function. original, protecting people from foreign influences and religion,Bausinger shows different attitudes ranging from simple and thus leading to the return to true folk life - all in the spiritaffection for one's homeland through to an undefinedenthusiasm for everything presented in the folk manner to racistfanaticism (Bausinger 1987:65-66).

Even collections that are not explicitly political canbe used not only to create the idealized image of one's nation,but also to give an occupied nation a flattering self-image.Thus, in the last years before the collapse of the Third Reich(1944 and 1945), Karl Treimer published collections ofCroatian, Slovakian and Ukrainian fairy tales in a "Germanedition for young people and common folks"; all the countriesincluded were under German domination at the time. TheCroatian volume contains fairy tales translated from well-known Croatian collections of stories. The introduction doesnot say a word about the actual politics. Only Croatia and itspeople are described:

In a beautiful country there lives a brave andhardworking people, our south-eastern neighbour.That truly fairy-tale country is Croatia with itspicturesque landscapes (...) These heroic peoplemove across their country with the open soul,listen to the language of nature with their innerear (...) Songs resound in kolo, round dances,that speak about the glory of old heroes, variousdancing songs are sung in choirs (...) The historyof the Croatian kingdom is great, in which thenames of its rulers, KreSimir and Zvonimir, aregloriously inscribed (...) (Treimer 1945:7-8).

of the national revival. Taking into consideration that this wasthe case of the so-called "Serbian Krajina" in Croatia, whichwas separated from the Croatian territory and occupied byforce in the 1990s, there are indications of the efficiency ofthese and similar centuries-old manipulations by usingmaterials which are in themselves harmless.

Preserving autochthonous folklore materials, or whatis considered to belong to this category, has recently obtaineda modern epithet, besides the direct ideological usage. I haveheard a radio speech of an organiser of a regional folklorefestival, who kept referring to original folklore groups, originalfolk costumes, original folk music, original folk dances andfinally, the necessity for such festivals as ecological events.Strange as this may appear, the remark is not entirely besidethe point. Namely, folklore seen as the original treasure thathas to be preserved from changes and spoiling is like natureitself, and can be viewed in ecological terms.

However, I would like to return now to more difficultphenomena, particularly epic poetry and its use in recent tragicevents in the former multinational state of Yugoslavia. Twoauthors wrote excellent and detailed accounts of this: IvanEoloviae (1994, 2000a, 2000b) from Serbia and Ivo Zaniae(1998) from Croatia. I will discuss some epic poems aboutthe Battle of Kosovo (1389) and poems about later heroes,the hajduks and the political use of these mythologized topics.This is a prevalently a Serbian myth, since Croatian methodsof national mythologization have been quite different, as willbe seen later. The Bosnian (Muslim) myth based on epic poetrywill not be dealt with in this article (about this, see 2aniae1998:229-249).

Epic poems about the Battle of Kosovo, as writtenIn order to present such a flattering, idyllic picture of

a nation and its folklore at a time when that nation's peoplewere bleeding in violent battles (both in mutual fighting and down and stylised by Vuk Karadiiae at the beginning of theagainst the conqueror who actually directed the publishing of 19th century, contain a famous oath of Prince Lazar proclaimedsuch booklets), it was advisable not to mention politics. Politics on the eve of the battle, when instead of victory he choseand ideology were contained in the picture itself. heavenly rather than earthly empire. In contemporary political

The seeds of nationalistic ideology had already been use, the "choice of the heavenly empire was turned into asown in collections of folk stories, poems, and descriptions of strategy of temporary, forced abandonment of the main aim,customs. In 1887, an undoubtedly valuable collection of the that of obtaining the earthly empire, into the appeal to Serbianlives and customs of the Serbs in Banija, Kordun and Lika leaders not to allow the defeat of Serbian weapons ever again"(Croatia), was published in Zagreb by Nikola Begoviae, a (Eoloviae 2000a: 19).Serbian Orthodox priest. However, he did not write this work As it is well-known, the mythical model includes theout of a pure interest in folk life, as he pointed out himself: "It idea that everything that has ever happened can happen again,is only by collecting everything that has been transmitted and Thus, the Battle of Kosovo is re-enacted every year on St.handed down by oral tradition from the primordial times that Vitus' day. Orthodox bishop Basilius used the same poem bywe can return to our sane and true folk life. We mil be Serbs Karadziae ("The Fall of the Serbian Empire") in this mythical

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way, so that the future ending of the battle, when "in this war, sure, a historical person of the same name never existed inapart from the heavenly we will also get the earthly empire" these areas) has been "reincarnated" in an irrational symbolicwas deliberately modified and transferred to our time way. Serbian poet Rajko Petrov Nogo wrote in 1991 about(BoSkoviae-Stulli 2002:154). The discourse regarding such a his stay on the hajduk mountain of Romanija, where he andre-enacted Battle of Kosovo "offers a mythical, anti-historic his friends washed their faces in a mountain spring accordingperception of time, where time has been stopped and turned to the old custom on St. George's day. "As we looked at ourinto eternal presence, or the eternal return of the same. If reflection in the spring, we saw that Starina Novak's moustachetemporality is conceived in this way, the recent war waged by had grown on our faces!" This vision on the sacred mountainthe Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia was only a continuation of of Romanija could be seen in the light of initiation ceremonies,the previous ones, or their repetition, with present-day Serbian On the day of the pagan spring holiday, the contact with heroicpoliticians and military leaders acting as their incarnated ancestors was established, while the growing of a moustacheancestors" (Eoloviae 2000a:21, similar Eoloviae 1994:108- introduces the initiates into the circle of grown-up men, not109). "Time has stopped, all the events are experienced as only hajduks, but also warriors (Eoloviae 2000b: 134-135).imitations of the initial Event and life is seen as cyclical This belligerent toying with the mythical epic image is typicalrotation" (Zaniae 1998:335. On the circular understanding of of our time.

time today, see also Boskoviae-Stulli 2000:215-216). In the attempts to diminish the hajduk crimes, StarinaDuring the recent war, verses by two classical Serbian Novak is projected into a primordial, supernatural mythical

poets, Milan Rakiae and Velimir Raiae, written at the beginning sphere. In epical poems, "Starina Novak uses his mythicalof the 20th century, became topical again: in his last battle, the strength for mythical cruelty, when he kills the Turkspoet will consciously sacrifice his life to his fatherland as the mercilessly, or when he finds his wounded opponent GreiaeKosovo heroes did a long time ago. Or: a Serb got out of his Manojlo sleeping" Such rage and brutality are "some of thegrave on Kosovo, God resurrected the ancient knights; their basic character features of primitive pagan gods"exhausted bodies fell in the battle, but their spirit lives on intheir children. In spite of the fact that these verses were usedfor manipulation, the emotional experience of the poets wasprobably sincere (the poems have been published in Popoviae1937:186, 265). The manipulation, however, becameincreasingly overt, so that in the foreword of the 1930 de luxeedition of the epic heroic poetry, the editor openly praised thepractical use of epic poetry in the First World War: "Serbiannational heroic poems, which were at first sung and later read,were used as an irreplaceable instrument inducing our peopleto get ready for their bloody and heroic role, due to whichalmost a million and a half lives were lost in the World Warbefore the eyes of the world, with the acknowledgement andadmiration of friends and enemies alike" (Boskoviae-Stulli2002:153. The article "On the Use of Folk Poems" In thetext that follows, I will use this article without particularreference.)

The cycle of epic poems about hajduks ~ outlaws whoescaped for various reasons and were in conflict with differentauthorities, who attacked travellers and merchants on the roads,seized cattle, etc, and gradually became glorified as fightersfor freedom against the Turkish rule (which was only partlytrue), acquired the same mythical glory as the epic poemsabout the Battle of Kosovo. Some of the most famous hajduksare seen as similar to ancient Kosovo heroes, like mythicalancestors who have become reincarnated in present-daypolitical and military leaders, based on the notion of the unionof the dead and living members of the same kin. The foundationof this belief is to be found "somewhere in the depths of theso-called folk soul" (Eoloviae 2000a:23).

Starina Novak, a famous epic hero who fought as ahajduk on the high mountain of Romanija in Bosnia (to be

Consequently, Starina Novak, as their equal, deviates fromthe real historical frames and is immersed into myth, becoming"the patron of the whole nation and its collective idol"(Cvetanoviae 1988:204,208). This was written in the formerYugoslavia before the recent war, but it can be seen as anemerging view according to which one s adored idols shouldnot be condemned for "trifles" like bloody violence againstpeople. Unfortunately, there were many "divine" idols suchas this in the recent war and now there have been protestsagainst their interpretation and court trials on all the recentlywarring sides.

The article will return to the hajduk topic from anotherpoint of view later.

As already mentioned, the mythologization ofCroatian history is not based on epic poetry. The epic folkpoetry, written in decasyllabic lines and usually performedwith the accompaniment ofgusle (one-stringed Balkan folkfiddles), mostly with heroic topics from the hajduk life, wascommon only in some parts of Croatia, primarily the Dalmatianhinterland - the so-called land of the Morlaks. The Morlaksbecame famous in the pre-Romantic 18th century due to AlbertoFortis's (1994 [1774]) travel-book and the book by IvanLovriae (1948 [1774]) describing his homeland, which hadconsiderable influence on the later Romantic literary works(seeBoSkoviae-Stulli 1978:244-269,1981:223-248,1984:138-148).

Epic poetry was also deeply rooted among theHerzegovinian Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In most ofthe other Croatian areas such traditions, either in the form ofperformances or as a cultural national concept, did not exist.The concept of having a unique national myth developeddifferently and was directly immersed in history. The cult of

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the former Croatian princes and kings was revived, along with In spite of its historical unreliability, but supportedthat of the lost former state and its greatness by evoking some by the state-building historical and partly folklorized myth,

the jubilee of Tomislav's coronation was celebrated withgreatest pomp in the same area in 1996. The wish that youngCroats should become "conscious of their national tradition"was pointed out in the program leaflet. On this occasion, theoratory entitled "King Tomislav" and a stage performance of"The First Croatian Parliament" were performed under the

customs) was blown off a girl's head while she was taking symbolic royal crown. Thus, the king and founder of thepart in the round dance: "A cold wind blew, a cold wind from Croatian state was resurrected after ages of oblivion (£aniaethe Levant" (Delorko 1963:37). Mara promised to marry the 1998:145).

The topic of the resurrection of former greatness orglory brings the Serbian epic myth-creation closer to Croatianhistorical myths.

The second Croatian historical myth is related toZvonimir, the last Croatian king. According to the legend whichwas recorded in the 14th century (in the later, supplementedversion of "The Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclia"), goodCroatian king Zvonimir ruled a rich and happy country.However, he received the Pope's letter asking him to take hisarmy to the Crusades. The king convened the national assemblynear the royal town of Knin to agree to that plan. People wereagainst sending the army to the war and they killed their king(in 1089). Before dying, King Zvonimir cursed his peoplesaying they will never have their own ruler again and will besubjected to "a foreign tongue". Although the legend was notproved historically and was obviously invented, it had a strongimpact on literature and journalism, and it became widespreadin popular editions. The basic motif of the story about the"good ruler", the disloyalty of people and their punishment isa topos of medieval legends. The 19* century, however, whichwas committed to nation building and involved in its ownpolitical disputes, revived the topic of King Zvonimir's curseas a symbolic moral about the danger resulting from nationaldisunion. At the same time, it was the expression of theaspiration for national independence and for restoring the losthistorical rights (after Croatia had joined the so-called personalunion with Hungary in 1102).

Today, particularly after the 1990s, the celebrationof King Zvonimir has been instrumental in symbolicallyconfirming that his capital (Knin) belongs to the Croatian state.His death was often referred to as an eternal warning to the

for certain when and how he was crowned. The legend about Croats about the danger that threatens them because of theirhis coronation on the Field of Duvno comes from the 12th discord. When the town of Knin, the capital of the so-calledcentury "Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclia" Though it was "Serbian Krajina" during the war, was liberated by militaryaccepted by some of the Croatian 19th century historians, the action in 1995, there were frequent celebratory reports aboutlegend is not reliable (SiSiae 1962:122). On the eve of the great the victory of the Croatian people who have finally beenmillennium celebration of the Croatian kingdom in 1924, reconciled. It was only later that the general public learnedCroatian writer Mayer was told by some peasants in the Field about the crimes committed on the Croatian side during theof Duvno "that they were told by old men that Tomislav had military actions and (especially) after. The popular poet Milebeen crowned as the first Croatian king right there in that Krajina celebrated this event in decasyllabic rhymed verses inmeadow" (Zaniae 1998:139). The idea, of course, could have the following way: "King Zvonimir is again in Knin,/ he hascome from popular literature. freed o u r homeland" (Zanis discusses the legend of King

Zvonimir and its historical-political use: 1995a, 1995b and

fictive early events, whose existence remains highlyquestionable in Croatian historiography.

Croatian writers started looking for a confirmationof their vision of early Croatian history in popular (but notepic) poetry very early. In a lovely ballad about Mara's crown,the crown (i.e. a wedding wreath, or a wreath used in harvest

man who brings back her crown, i.e. the wreath. She wasdeeply disappointed, however, on seeing that the crown wasreturned by a Romani, or a "black Moor" As early as the17* century, Pavao Ritter Vitezoviae interpreted this song as anation-building allegory, considering Mara to be a daughterof the last Croatian King from the Trpimiroviae line. In the18th century, Baltazar Kreeliae claimed that Mara was adaughter of King Stjepan. In the 19th century, Klaiae andSmieiklas continued to look for persons of the royal bloodlineallegedly concealed behind the names mentioned in the poemabout the lost Croatian crown. In the 20th century, J. Modestinsaw Mara as "a personification of Croatia itself, grieving overher lost crown" (Grgec 1944:48-58). Petar Grgec refers tothe Latin text of the poem along with his Croatian translationin his article "Ballad of Mara's Crown He was right to refutethese interpretations critically, but he nevertheless succumbedto the most dangerous myth of our time: according to him,Mara was "a faithful daughter of her homeland and a keeperof the racial purity of her people" (Grgec 1944:50).

Thus, a harmless wedding or harvest poem(containing, however, xenophobic traits), has been interpretedfor over three centuries as an allegory of the lost royal crown,i.e. the loss of the Croatian statehood.

Today, ancient Croatian kings have been"reincarnated" in the present-day or, to be more precise, recentleaders, such as the deceased president Tudman. A way inwhich a myth-creating view of history can be integrated intofolklore to return later to history in an even stronger versioncan be illustrated by the tradition of the coronation ceremonyof Tomislav, the first Croatian king, on Duvanjsko polje(Duvno field) in Herzegovina in 925. Historians do not know

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1996 - My comment about the topic was given in connectionwith these works.)

Thus, in a way that is similar to but also differentfrom the Serbian use of epic poetry, the cycle of the eternaladmonishing return has been drawn by Croatian journalismand historiography. In the verses of a popular poet, old KingZvonimir was reincarnated in the person of the Croatianpresident Franjo Tudman.

Mile Kxajina celebrated other historical legends indecasyllabic verses as well: he sang about the arrival of theCroats to the Adriatic sea, rendered poetically the theories ofthe Iranian, i.e. Gothic origin of the Croats, etc. He sent thefollowing message to the rich and arrogant West: "When wehad a King in Knin,/ the Germans were not in Berlin,/ theEnglish ate with their bare hands/ while we made our Croatiantroplets..." (Troplet orpleter was a three-strand pattern reliefdecoration in the Croatian pre-Romanic architecture datingfrom the 8-11th century. To be sure, it was not only Croatian.)

Mile Krajina, a chemical technician by profession,comes from Dalmatinska zagora (Dalmatian hinterland), anarea where, as already mentioned, the epic tradition is stillalive. Similar to other popular authors, he composes his poemsin decasyllabic rhymed verses (as opposed to traditional epicfolk poems, which were not rhymed), with stylistic featurespartly taken from oral epics. Such poems focus on local, ormore frequently, historical-political topics and today most ofthem are written. They are transmitted either in the printed orhandwritten form, as well as on cassettes, radio, etc. In theareas with the gusle tradition, they are also performed orallyaccompanied by gusle. The work of Andrija Kaeiae Miosiae,an 18* century Catholic friar, can be referred to as an earlyliterary model for such poems.

Such politicised poems have existed in every politicalregime. They are useful for politics as they propagate desirableideas in a popular and widely accessible way, but only in theareas where epic tradition exists and among the social stratathat have been less affected by urban culture. Poems of thistype, that are still close to the epic tradition, but look forinspiration in the newspapers, books, radio, television, etc.seem to be an ideal means for transmitting and renewingnational myths. They are created on the traditional foundationclose to the epic mental model, but with historical mythical ordaily political issues suggested from the outside. In this way,Mile Krajina could present the Croatian president Tudman asa resurrected King Zvonimir. The fact that Mile Krajina wasreceived with the highest honors on the day of the constitutionof the Croatian Parliament in 1990 is highly indicative. Dressedin a festive costume which had been borrowed from a museumand which is wom in his region by participants of a knighttournament called alka, he ceremoniously carried a ban (Vice-Roy) banner through Zagreb, the capital of Croatia. On agrandstand he stood close to the president Tudman. On anotheroccasion, he was photographed at a village sports contestplaying gusle (Zaniix 1998:58, 389).

The politics of the leading party in Croatia between1990 - 2000 strongly opposed the view that Croatia belongsthe Balkans rather than Central Europe. To be sure, Zagreb,the Croatian capital, with its surroundings really belongs toCentral European culture, although it is situated on itsperiphery. This, however, cannot be said for the whole ofCroatia. Thus the very party that was so concerned aboutremoving everything even distantly reminiscent of the Balkansintroduced the ceremoniously costumed figure of the populargusle singer into the center of the Croatian capital as theembodiment of a culture and tradition which has never existedin that environment. We should bear in mind, however, that,most party supporters came from the areas where epic culturehas not disappeared. Naturally, the mythical-political languageof this poetry, suitable for legitimising the authorities in power,was only too welcome.

* * *

As has already been mentioned, we shall now returnto the topic oihqjduk epic poems, with their cruel motifs andethnic connotations. It is a topic that a poet of such stature asJ.W. Goethe wrote about.

In his article "Serbische Lieder" (Serbian poemsjGoethe recalled 50 years after his translation into German ofthe "Morlak" ballad "Klaggesang der edlen Frauen AsanAgas" (A sad poem about the noble Asan Aga's wife) (Goethe1903:148; see also Goethe 1972:274-286). His recollections,however, were not entirely correct. He says that he hadtranslated the ballad from the travel book of the famous abbotAlberto Fortis, which is true, and "from the enclosed Frenchtext with indications of the rhythm and respecting the wordorder of the original" which is not entirely correct. The originof his poetic translation was not a French novel written byCountess Rosenberg, but a German translation by ClemensWerthes (see Kretzenbacher 1976:342-343,345-346; Koljeviae1982:156; BoSkoviae-Stulli 1981:227,230).

Goethe recalled that his translation "procured a lot ofcompassion for this beautiful poem" (Goethe 1903:143). Hewrote on several occasions about the German translations,claiming that Serbian love poems were of outstanding beauty(Goethe 1903:143). On the other hand, he was horrified byepic poems: "The earliest ones, together with the alreadysignificant culture, were characterised by superstitious-barbarian views; in these poems, people fall victims in themost atrocious ways. A young woman was bricked up in orderto build the Skadar fortress (...)" The greatest Serbian heroMarko has pagan features and "can appear as a rawcounterpart to Greek Hercules, Persian Rustan, in an extremelyScythian barbarian way..." (Goethe 1903:141, 142). In thearticle "Volkslieder der Serben" (Serbian folk poems) Goethewrote with horror about Kraljevice Marko (Prince Marko) asa repulsive hero. A black princess saved Marko from thedungeon and escaped with him at night. In the darkness Marko

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held her gently in his arms, but in the morning, when he saw to its nature. The life of war entails bloodshed and destruction,her dark face and white teeth, he cut her head off with his that the poet necessarily tells of, but when it passes the mean,sabre (Quoted here according to: Koljeviae 1982:70, idem it is only another sign that the heroic life is full of perils andGoethe 1972:290-294). that the hero must face this as well as other dangers" (Bowra

Between the two World Wars, two Germanists, one 1952: 70).from Croatia and the other from Serbia, tried to redeem the It would be pointless to divide epic heroes into goodepic poems from Vuk Karadiiars collection from Goethe's and noble ones and cruel and vicious along ethnic lines. In aunfavorablejudgement.Stjepan Tropsch remarked discreetly Croatian epic poem, Kraljeviae Marko's unfaithful sisterthat Goethe "could not bring some of the epic poems into persuades ban Piper, her kidnapper who later became her

husband, to kill Marko. But, when fortune turned, Marko "cutPiper's throat" and grabbed his sister: "Marko took out hereyes, / tied them in a silk handkerchief,/ and put them on hisbelt,/ then he broke her arms in her shoulders,/ cut off herbreasts,/ putting her arms through them,/ then he broke herlegs under her knees, / and threw her through a tower window(...)"(Glaviael889,no.2).

If we return to the Serbian collection by VukKaradziaeafter this terrible Croatian epic poem (where Kraljeviae Markois a frequent figure, similar to Serbian ones), we will find thefollowing examples of epic horror: Grujica smeared hisunfaithful wife with wax and tar, poured her with sulphur,strew her with powder, set her hair on fire and sat down todrink cold wine (Karadziae 1988, no. 7). In a hajduk revengingcampaign, Taso punished his sister although she was not guiltyin any obvious way: he cut her in two halves, after which "amale child fell from her/ and rolled on the green grass" (no.69). Or, put more succintly: "They cut the bey into pieces, /revenged the death of their bosom-friend, / and left merrilyand in good health" (no. 52).

Mijat Tomiae and Stojan Jankoviae were among thefamous heroes of hajduk poems. As historic persons, the formerwas a Croatian Catholic and the latter an orthodox Serb. Bothcan be found in Croatian and Serbian collections of poems:the Serb Stojan Jankoviae, for example, can be found in thecollection of "Croatian Folk Poems" vol. 8, no. 4 and vol. 9,no. 9, 18-21, 24 (Andriae 1939 and 1940).

The case of Mijat Tomiae is slightly more complicatedsince there was also a Montenegrin hajduk of the same namebesides the Croatian one, who is also a hero of epic poems

time of peace, when horrible actions of epic heroes could have (see Zaniae 1998:143). This other historical person providedbeen easily evaluated in the light of the elementary strength of a model for an epic character in some of the texts in Karadziae'spoetic rendering and their academic study was seen only as a collection (1988, no. 62-66). It is known that in epic oral poemspoetological approach. But, this aestheticising concealed the historical persons get mixed anachronistically. Characters aregerms for inciting the psychology of revenge leading to future taken out of the real context of time and space, so that it isactions in the sphere of reality, rather than poetry, which we almost impossible to identify them precisely on the basis ofhave experienced from various sides both in the Second World presumed historical prototypes.War and in the recent war. According to specialist interpretations, Mijat Tomiae

Slijepeeviae pointed to Marko's noble actions and his as a Croatian epic hero was "a good friend and a good manremorse for the misdeeds he committed. He was right in this like few other hajduks. He did not kill wantonly - except whenrespect: epic heroes do behave in contradictory ways. he was seeking revenge" (...) Croatian people considered him

Cruelty and roughness abound in all epic poetry of "the greatest protector and benefactor of the people, attributingpatriarchal societies. C. M. Bowra says in his book on epic to him the spiritual features that most of the other hajduks didpoetry: "When honour turns to hatred and violence, heroic not have" It is possible that his heart was less noble in realitypoetry may develop a special kind of horror. Nor is this alien than in the poems, but people wanted him to be like that, while

harmony with his sophisticated classicist ideas and feelings",in which he differed from Jakob Grimm's views (Tropsch1932:150). Slijepeeviae's defence of epic poetry was resolute:Goethe found the poem "Marko and the daughter of an ArabKing" to be repulsive, since Marko took a false oath to marrythe daughter of an Arab King if she released him from thedungeon and then treacherously killed her. "In order to justlyevaluate this terrible poem, it would be necessary to go furtherinto its essence and become absorbed in the folk singer's motifs.Goethe could not bring himself to do that. It was enough forhim to see that Marko was a perjurer, a faithless person, abandit and a savage" (Slijepeeviae 1932:155). Goethe did notunderstand that Marko stood for the "revenging psychologyof slaves who had been captured but never tamed. That is thereason why he has to use deception and perjury from time totime, although being an advocate of truth and justice"(Slijepeeviae 1932:155). "The serene Olympic Goethe eitherdoes not see or does not care that Marko is a sinister, deeplydivided and pathologically violent character and drunkard onlybecause of a deep insult and rage laying at the bottom of hissoul - the insult and rage of a suppressed and insulted nation."(Slijepeeviae 1932:155).

Slijepeeviae, (and to some extent Tropsch) tried to finda way to "justify" Goethe because he, with his "sophisticatedclassicist views" and "serene Olympic attitudes", did not likehorrors in epic poems. According to him, the aestheticism ofthe great poet should be understood. But, it seems to me thatthe aestheticism was to be found elsewhere: in Slijepeeviae sflippant views and "justifications" of horrible actions renderedin these poems. Professor Slijepeeviae wrote these words at a

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in some other areas "Mijat would be given completely oppositefeatures (...) That is why Mijat Tomiae is a prototype ofCroatian national heroism and a representative of acharacteristic national individuality" (Andriae 1939:12, 13,20).

To be sure, these poems actually describe a numberof Mijat's noble actions. In the same way as his misdeeds,they belong to the hajduk epic genre. In a similar way, forinstance, Slijepeeviae tried to improve the image of KraljeviaeMarko. But, in the same Croatian collection by Andriae, Mijatcommitted some terrible deeds in addition to his noble actions:thus, in order to get hold of Turkish horses and clothes, heand his men attacked some Turkish goat keepers on themeadow. "They were all asleep like little lambs./When TomiaeMihovile saw that,/ he grabbed a sword from his thigh/ andslaughtered them like young lambs,/ taking off their clothesto dress themselves" (Andriae 1939:150). Kraljeviae Marko(as a member of Mijat's gang and in complete harmony withhim) cruelly punishes a treacherous inn-keeper, this time alsoa woman: he took out her eyes, cut off her breasts sticking herfingers through them (Andriae 1939:112). Mijat punished aDuvno cadi (Turkish judge) for mowing Marko's meadow byimpaling him (no. 22). Mijat also punished innocent ones inorder to revenge his murdered friend: "He cut the throat oftwo bey s (Turkish noblemen) sons,/ plundered and bumedhis white tower,/ and took out the eyes of the bey's wife"(Andriae, 1939:172).

It is nauseating to quote all these horrible deeds,especially in the light of recent actual events. However, it wouldbe neither appropriate nor correct to attribute the horrible deedsfrom epic poems to a single national tradition and then toattribute the events which have been caused by present-daypoliticians to the same tradition. It is not at all correct to includein a book "of documents of Serbian ideology", which shouldbe essentially informative, a chapter on folk poems withexamples of cold-hearted cruelty which is commented on asfollows: "Violence imbues all Serbian heroic poetry: it includesthe cutting of throats, taking out of eyes, breaking of teeth,opening wombs of pregnant women, killing children andthrowing people and goods into flames, with an ease andfrequency which can profoundly shake any reader who is notused to this literary genre from his childhood" (Grmek 1993:23).

These one-sided views can be easily used innewspapers to explain recent barbarisms of Serbian Chetniksto non-Serbian inhabitants (for example, in a daily newspaperVeeernji list and a weekly magazine Globus).

Epic cruelties may be indirectly responsible for someof the present-day criminal actions, but their causes are nothidden in a special and natural criminal spirit of one nation.Partly following Freud, Ivan Eoloviae points to an unconscious,destructive aggressiveness hidden in humans, which can bebrought to the surface at times of war. It does not result fromany innate features of an ethnic group or nation; people of

any nationality can revert to the stage of barbarism. Thisaggressiveness is not the cause of wars, but it can be used asa "strategic resource" by the state, as a weapon to achieve itsgoals. (Eoloviae 2000b:95-96).

When examples of cruelty are emphasized only in theepic poems belonging to the tradition of the "other", this cancontribute to hate and destruction, too.

Folklore is apolitical in itself. It does not have anyideology, philosophy or politics; it is only "a means forlegitimising certain political programs and enterprises in peaceand even more so in war" (Eoloviae 1994:82-83). laniaebelieves that "neither religious-national exclusiveness nortolerance are immanent to popular culture itself (1998:372).I am not convinced that folklore and its political use can beseparated completely. Epic poetry contains the elements forpossible ideological manipulation.

In his book on the figure of adversary in Croatianhistorical epic poetry, Davor Dukiae analyses various waysof attributing the We-side and the "other" in epic poetry. Heconcludes that the epic genre "is at first sight more ideologicalthan other literary genres" (Dukiae 1998:181). Epic poetrycontains the idea of collectivism, revealing the communalidentity, and indicating its values. Therefore, the existence ofthe Other, i.e. the adversary, is necessary, as well as theaxiological dichotomy of Good/Evil (Dukiae 1998:181 -183).

This theoretical qualification, although mostlyreferring to literary epic poetry, sheds more light on the waysin which epic poetry can become actualised and thereforesuitable for political manipulation today.

***

This article does not deal with the quality or othermore interesting and finer questions regarding oral (folk)poetry, to which I have dedicated other publications of mine.The topic of this article is different. It discusses the ways inwhich folklore can be used as a means for social-political andethnical instrumentalisation and identity expression in Croatiaand its neighboring countries.

However, if this article were to be interpreted not onlyin the context of an alleged centennial "Balkan hatred", whichis also expressed in folk poems, but rather its readers shouldbe led to think 'self-critically' about their own, distant, andseemingly overcome pasts and are made aware of that which,mutatis mutandis, involves us all even today due to the eventswhich are still happening around us, its purpose would beaccomplished.

***Additional note. After this article had been completed,

I read an important essay by Reinhard Lauer (1994) dealingwith similar issues. The author discusses the "raging of myths"incorporated in the Serbian heroic poetry, which wasmanifested in recent aggression against the other nations ofthe former multi-national state of Yugoslavia. The examples

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are very suggestive. The author kept his distance from possibleone-sided conclusions that could be drawn from hispresentation. However, it seems to me that the hereditarycontinuity of myth-creation was stressed too much, whilepolitical manipulation by using the myth and epic poetry wasnot emphasized enough.

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