The Philippine Diasporain GermanyIts contribution to Philippine development

Economic Development and Employment

Published by:

Deutsche Gesellschaft fürTechnische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbHEconomic Development and Employment Division Migration and Development Sector Project P.O. Box 5180D-65726 EschbornTelephone: +49 (0)6196 79-0

Contact:migration@gtz.de

Responsible:Regina Bauerochse Barbosa

Editors: Mareike Dreusse, Dr Irina Kausch, Kirsten Schüttler

Author:Sibille Etling

Banderole pictures on the cover (from the top down)Björn Ketels, Goethe Institute, CairoRalf Bäcker, GTZ EthiopiaGraf Jaques de Lalaing, collectors for solar power plants, AfghanistanRalf Bäcker, GTZ Ethiopia

Design:andreas korn visuelle kommunikation, Bad Homburg

Printing and production:Druckreif, Frankfurt on Main

The views and opinions expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of GTZ.© gtz 2008

Foreword

In May 2006, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH, acting on behalf of the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), launched the supraregional Migration and Development Sector Project at the GTZ Head Office in Eschborn. The project objective is to develop and disseminate strategies and instruments with which to maximise the development potential of migration and minimise the risks it poses.

The advisory project serves as an interface between the spheres of research, policymaking and practice: its key tasks include providing expert advisory services for BMZ and mainstreaming the approach with-in GTZ and other German implementing organisations. An intensive exchange of lessons learned and close cooperation with European partners also play an important role.

In order to structure cooperation with diaspora communities in Germany, one of the project’s key areas of action, it was first necessary to learn more about what the various migrant organisations were already doing in their countries of origin. To this end, in 2006 GTZ published the study Egyptian, Afghan and Serbian Diaspora Communities in Germany: How do They Contribute to Their Country of Origin? In 2007, three further studies were conducted on the Moroccan, Senegalese and Vietnamese diasporas in Germany. All these publications helped to close a research gap, since very little was yet known about the activities of migrants in their countries of origin.

Based on these studies, the second step was to identify approaches to cooperating on the formulation and implementation of joint projects in the countries of origin. As part of a pilot promotion pro-gramme launched in May 2007 by the GTZ Migration and Development Sector Project on co-financ-ing investments in the social infrastructure, support is given to several projects undertaken by diaspora organisations in their land of origin.

Two more studies – the present one on the Philippine diaspora and another on the Cameroonian di-aspora, both in Germany – continue this learning process which has successfully opened the way to co-operation between the diasporas and development cooperation.

Regina Bauerochse Barbosa

Table of Contents

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

1 . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

2 . Philippine migrants around the world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2.1 Brief outline of Philippine migration in the 20th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

2.1.1 The first wave of migrants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.1.2 The second wave of migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.1.3 The third wave of migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.2 Philippine government policy on migration and diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

2.3 Migration-related civil society engagement in the Philippines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

3 . The Philippine Diaspora in Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.1 History and forms of Philippine migration to Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.2 Size and social structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

3.3 Organisational forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

3.4 Activities related to the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3.4.1 Religious, cultural, social and public-benefit activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3.4.2 Private sector activities and remittances. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

3.4.3 Political activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

3.4.4 Empowering and networking Philippine women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

3.4.5 Difficulties and challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

3.4.6 European comparison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

4 . Conclusions and recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

5 . Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

6 . Internet sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

1

Abbreviations

BSP Balik Scientist Program

CFO Commission on Filipinos Overseas

CMA Center for Migrant Advocacy

DFA Department of Foreign Affairs

DKG German Hospital Federation

DOLE Department of Labour and Employment

DOST Department of Science and Technology

ERCOF Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos

EVP U.S. Exchange Visitors Program

FES Friedrich Ebert Stiftung

GCIM Global Commission on International Migration

IOM International Organization for Migration

LINKAPIL Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino

MFA Migrant Forum in Asia

MPI Migration Policy Institute

NGO Non-governmental organisation

NRCO National Reintegration Centre for OFWs

NSB National Seamen Board

OEDB Overseas Employment Development Board

OFW Overseas Filipino worker

OLAMWA Office of the Legal Assistant for Migrant Workers Affairs

OWWA Overseas Workers Welfare Administration

POEA Philippines Overseas Employment Agency

STAC Science and Technology Advisory Council

TNT Tagu-nang-tago (to hide) – term used for irregular Filipino migrants

TOKTEN Transfer of knowledge through expatriate nationals

Abbreviations

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1 . Introduction

According to the concluding report in 2005 of the Global Commission on International Migration (Global Commission 2005:1), 200 million people live and work outside the country of their citizen-ship. The growing interest among academics and (development) policymakers in these global migratory movements highlights their positive potential, especially in regard to development in the countries of origin. Besides the frequently noted prospects of individual remittances, great importance is given to private sector activities and to non-profit work in the diaspora communities in the context of migration and development. Studies have shown that transnational links, besides facilitating transfer of funds, can contribute to economic, social and political development processes within the country of origin through transfer of knowledge, expertise and technologies. These benefits may take the form of encouraging small and medium-sized business start-ups, generating and extending political dialogue, supporting the interests of women and minorities, or bolstering civil society structures (Haas 2006:1). But how does the transnational engagement of individual diaspora communities function in specific terms? How are they organised, what sort of activities do they engage in, and what opportunities will they find to coop-erate with development policy groups?

Based on the Philippine diaspora in Germany, the present study renders a contribution to closing the knowledge gap concerning organisational forms, social, economic and political activities and the poten-tial options for development policy measures. The Philippines can look back on a long tradition of mi-gration and are known for having had many years of experience in migration management, especially in dealing with a considerable share of temporary employment migration (Global Commission 2005:17). This lends special interest to an examination of their diaspora and its activities. Estimates by the Com-mission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) placed the number of Filipinos living temporarily or permanently in 193 other countries in 2006 at 8,233,172.1 Although Germany is not among the classic destination countries of Filipino migration – of these, the USA still takes first place – nonetheless the third largest diaspora in Europe, behind Great Britain and Italy, is in Germany. If one considers just permanent mi-gration alone, Germany is even ahead of Italy and ranks second in Europe (see Table 1).

The mass migration of Filipino (labour) migrants2 lasting more than three decades has given rise to a broad range of research literature in English. Analyses have already appeared of the interrelationships between migration and development (e.g. Asis 2006b, Bagasao 2005, Opiniano 2004, Yang 2006). With regard to European host countries, there are several studies of Philippine labour migration to Italy (Campani 1993, Hillmann 1996). Since Germany, as already noted, is not among primary destination countries for Philippine migratory currents, literature in German, especially recent literature, is limited. Comprehensive analyses in German have been conducted from an ethnological perspective and refer largely to the type of migration called “marriage migration” (Beer 1996, Lauser 2004, Lauser 2005).

The present study drew on both scientific studies and published reports. Further sources included of-ficial documents and statistics of the Philippine authorities as well as research studies in migration and development. Statistics and data were also sought from the German Federal Statistical Office, the statis-tical offices of the federal states, and the German Federal Bank.

The overall picture of the diaspora policies of the Philippine government is based on intensive Internet research and on correspondence and conversations with experts such as staff members of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) in Manila, the Migration Policy Institute (MPI) and the World Bank in Washing-ton DC.

Information about the organisational forms and activities of the Philippine diaspora in Germany is based principally on interviews conducted, mostly by telephone and some in person, with

1 See www.cfo.gov.ph/Stock%202006.pdf

2 In this study the term “migrant” is used, as in English, in a neutral sense.

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representatives of Philippine associations, groups and organisations. Additionally, conversations were held with key players in the Philippines and its civil society. Nineteen people were interviewed in all. The interviews were structured along the same guidelines used in the GTZ study Egyptian, Afghan and Serbian Diaspora Communities in Germany: How Do They Contribute to Their Country of Origin? (Baraulina et al. 2006). Further key sources included Internet pages, leaflets, information brochures, yearbooks and newsletters of the organisations, associations and groups. One of the lists maintained by the Philippine embassy of Philippine organisations and associations in Germany, as well as a complete list compiled by a Philippine association, served as useful points of departure in the selection of inter-viewees. Based on previous contacts with various groups, additional interviewees were identified on the snowball principle. Although the distribution of those selected for interviews in Germany was random, it included nonetheless several federal states. However, there were no interviewees from the new Ger-man states, apart from the Berlin-Brandenburg area. The study does not claim to be representative and should be regarded as an overview and an introduction to the subject.

In the following chapters, the Philippine diaspora in Germany and its engagement in the country of origin will be examined in the light of the recent history of Philippine migration and the country’s mi-gration and diaspora policies.

1. Introduction

4

2 . Philippine migrants around the world

The recent history of the Philippines is closely bound up with processes of migration. The country is often mentioned in connection with the term “culture of migration” (Lauser 2004:65, Asis 2006a). Ac-cording to Andrea Lauser (2004:67), the Philippines have more migrants worldwide than any other country except Mexico. Kyoko Shinozaki (1999:67) points out that since the 1970s, the Philippines have been considered one of the “best-known sender countries”. In December 2006, the most recent accessible estimates of the Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) put the number of Filipinas/os residing permanently or temporarily in 193 countries3 at 8,233,172. That comes to about 10 percent of the Philippine population at that time of 86,000,000.4 The table below shows the distribution in six regions of the world, within which are selected countries with the largest number of Filipinas/os, subdi-vided into permanent, temporary and irregular migrants.5 The labour migrants working worldwide in ship crews were analysed separately.

Table 1. Global distribution

Region Permanent Temporary Irregular Total

Africa 553 71,503 17,742 89,798

Nigeria 18 13,428 700 14,146

Libya 75 9,475 680 10,230

South and East Asia 196,968 789,110 237,600 1,223,678

Japan 124,722 103,555 30,700 258,977

Malaysia 26,001 88,372 125,000 239,373

Singapore 26,000 75,318 38,000 139,318

Hong Kong 11,471 121,644 3,000 136,115

Middle East 3,523 1,723,911 112,250 1,839,684

Saudi Arabia 247 1,001,330 18,000 1,019,577

United Arab Emirates 430 291,363 20,000 311,793

Kuwait 94 133,361 11,500 144,955

Qatar 13 115,874 1,000 116,887

3 See www.cfo.gov.ph/Stock%202006.pdf. These figures are the product of statistics provided by the CFO, Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), and the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration (POEA). The figures should be regarded as estimates, especially since data are also entered for irregular migration.

4 In 2007 the Philippine population amounted to ca 88,600,000. See www.census.gov.ph

5 In this study, the term “irregular migration” will be applied to migration or residence processes that take place without valid entrance, residence or employment documents. This term is seen as producing a “more neutral” and “less discriminatory” impression. For a more comprehensive definition, see Steffen Angenendt 2007, pp. 10ff.

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Region Permanent Temporary Irregular Total

Europe 229,132 534,748 124,380 888,260

Great Britain 62,606 93,358 9,600 165,564

Italy 23,108 84,972 20,000 128,080

Germany 43,706 8,189 2,100 53,995

France 6,931 964 39,850 47,745

America 2,887,129 333,763 356,400 3,577,292

USA 2,443,269 128,440 156,500 2,728,209

Canada 396,054 38,886 3,000 437,940

Oceania 238,730 74,813 26,420 339,963

Australia 218,425 15,100 3,000 236,525

New Zealand 19,549 742 120 20,411

Ships crews / 247,497 / 274,497

Total 3,556,035 3,802,345 874,792 8,233,172

Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) 2006

With 2,728,209 Filipinas/os, the USA was and still is the traditional destination country for Philippine migration based on the historical ties between the two countries. Over three million Filipina/os migrat-ed to the Middle East (1,839,684) or South-East and East Asia (1,223,678), predominantly as tempo-rary labour migrants. A large-scale movement to Malaysia is under way, primarily in the form of irregu-lar migration. In the South-East and East Asian area, permanent migration is the predominant form only in Japan. In Europe (888,260), Italy and Great Britain are the two largest host countries. In both of them, temporary migration is the principal form. In the case of Italy, which was already a migration destination in the 1970s, Filipinas/os were the third largest immigration group in the 1990s. 60 to 70 percent of them were women, and of these 95 percent were employed as domestic servants (Campani 1993:194f ). According to CFO data, more than 80 percent of Filipinas/os in France are irregular immi-grants, in contrast with other European countries. A similar estimate, close to 90 percent, was made by an active member of Babaylan-Filipinas in France.

2 .1 Brief outline of Philippine migration in the 20th century6

To place the worldwide emigration from the Philippines in proper perspective requires an intensive look at the factors underlying recent migration history. This explains interrelationships in detail and reveals some causes of the mass Philippine labour migration and its distribution around the world. The beginnings and a large part of Philippine migration that started in the 20th century must be seen in relation to the American assumption of power in 1898 and the colonial ties between the two countries. In the beginning, for instance, the US government promoted academic exchange through scholar-ships for Filipinas/os from wealthy and influential families in order, according to Gonzales, to force the

6 The historical context presented here should be read as a reduced and simplified version of complex and diverse global economic processes and other causes of migration which it is not intended to describe in detail at this time.

2. Philippine migrants around the world

6

“Americanisation of the Philippines” (Gonzales 1998:28). In addition, Filipinas/os, in contrast to other Asian migrants, enjoyed legal advantages in American immigration law.

2 .1 .1 The first wave of migrants

From 1906/07, individual Philippine men emigrated to Hawaii (Capili in McFerson 2002:109) and later to California, too, in order to work in the plantations. Some migrants found employment in the Alaskan fish canneries. These forerunners paved the way for further migration. In the 1920s, the number of Philippine migrants in Hawaii was already in the thousands (Han 2003:99, Gonzales 1998:29). The Philippine diaspora in Hawaii grew further through “marriage migration” between Phil-ippine men in Hawaii and Philippine women (Lauser 2004:92f ). On the US east coast, some migrants found places in the service sector in hotels, restaurants or private households. These early forms of Phil-ippine labour migration to the USA ended when the Tydings-McDuffie Act – also called the Philippines Independence Act – took effect on 24 March 1934. With this transitional arrangement for the inde-pendence of the Philippines, Filipinas/os lost their special noncitizen national status and the associated legal advantages in regard to immigration law.7 From then on they were classified as foreigners, and in addition quotas for them were introduced (Walter 2007).

2 .1 .2 The second wave of migrants

After World War II, Philippine war veterans8 and their families, business people and specialists such as medical personnel9 or engineers left their devastated country and emigrated to Canada, West Europe or the USA, later to Australia as well (Gonzales 1998:30ff). In the 1950s and 1960s job opportunities arose in connection with US military and civilian operations in the Asian-Pacific region for Filipino workers in the construction sectors of Vietnam, Thailand, Japan and the unincorporated US territory of Guam. Further migration by artists and musicians followed to neighbouring Asian countries or to Kalimantan, the Indonesian part of Borneo, where migrants worked in the timber industry (Carino 1992:5).

The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 lifted the quotas on nationalities and greatly liberalised immigration regulations in the USA. This resulted in a rapid increase in immigration from Asia and from the Philip-pines and Korea in particular. Through the family reunification programme the number of Philippine migrants to the USA increased tenfold between 1965 and 1970. As a result of this liberalisation, by 1980 775,000 Filipinos were already living in the USA (Ostendorf 1992:20). A specific form of Philip-pine migration in this phase was the mass emigration of nurses. “By 1967, the Philippines became the world’s top sending country of nurses to the United States” (Choy 2003:98).

Besides pull factors such as the liberalisation of immigration laws, push factors also played an impor-tant part in the second wave of migration. Political and economic instability in the Philippines at the end of the 1960s, caused by nepotism and corruption, as well as the declaration of martial law in 1972 by President Ferdinand Marcos, influenced decisions to migrate. It was chiefly the urban middle class, i.e. above all the well-qualified professionals with an anti-oligarchic (Lauser 2004:96) attitude, who emigrated primarily to the USA, some to Canada or Australia as well (Yukawa in Lauser 2004:96). But European countries during the 1960s and 1970s also became destinations for Philippine migration.

7 Although Filipinas/os enjoyed up to 1934, thanks to colonial structures, a special immigration status which enabled them to continue to immigrate even after 1934 when national immigration quotas and other restrictions were established. However they had neither civil rights nor the right to acquire US citizenship (Gonzales 1998:30).

8 War veterans who had served in the US army were given special opportunities to acquire US citizenship.

9 Migrations by individual Philippine nurses under the US Exchange Visitors Programmes (EVP) also paved the way for subsequent migration of medical personnel in the further course of the second wave. The EVP enacted in 1948 made it possible through a scholarship for nurses from all over the world to study and work in the USA. Even though it had not originally been aimed solely at the health sector, the jobs were preponderantly in this sector (Choy 2003:64ff).

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Recruiting programmes, especially for the health systems of various European countries, offered possi-ble channels of immigration. In the second wave, it was mostly highly qualified Philippine experts who entered the health sector in Germany, Austria or Switzerland (Beer 1996:61). In Chapter 3, focus will again be on the details of the Philippine migration to Germany. Because those who left home as part of this second wave were predominantly well-educated Filipinas/os, in this connection the term “brain-drain” is often used (Lauser 2004:98).

2 .1 .3 The third wave of migrants

The third wave of largely temporary Philippine migrant workers originated in the global impacts of the structural alterations in the world economy brought on by the energy crisis in 1973-74 (Han 2003:82ff). With the fourfold increase of the price of oil in 1973-74, the earnings – and with them the trade and current account surplus – of the oil-exporting countries increased hugely (Han 2003:105). They used their rising incomes for far-reaching modernisation programmes. While the newly emergent countries of South and East Asia succeeded in alleviating the consequences with devices such as pro-tectionist measures (Han 2003:84), developing countries such as the Philippines were hard-hit by the crisis and had to combat rising costs of meeting their current energy needs. Thousands lost their jobs in the economic turmoil (Gonzales 1998:33). Growing unemployment coupled with rising costs of living proved to be an explosive mixture. In the waxing demand for workers by the oil-exporting countries whose heavy investments in infrastructural and industrialisation projects had set off a construction boom, the Government of the Philippines saw a significant opportunity to throttle down the problem of unemployment (Gonzales 1996:301, Carino 1992:6). The temporary labour migration, viewed as a source of foreign exchange, would relieve the balance of payments deficits of the Philippines (Han 2003:114). Ferdinand Marcos formulated the intention as follows: “For us, overseas employment ad-dresses two major problems: unemployment and the balance of payments position. If these problems are met or at least partially solved by contract migration, we also expect an increase in national savings and investment levels” (Guzman quoted in Gonzales 1996:303).

Between 1975 and 1983 ca. 90 percent of the Philippine contract workers left the islands temporar-ily for Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (Lauser 2004:98). While the Middle East remained the primary destination of the temporary labour migrants in the 1970s and 80s, this changed with the further rapid rise of the “Asian Tigers”. From then on, a large number of labour migrants went for a limited period to the fast-developing emergent Asian countries such as Hong Kong, Taiwan or Sin-gapore (Opiniano 2004:5). Over time a diversification of employment sectors took place. A rapid rise in the demand for domestic servants replaced the heavy demand in the construction sector.10 Because these jobs were mostly filled by Philippine women, this was sometimes called the “feminisation of migration”.

This wave carried the Philippine migration to Europe, especially into households in Spain, France, Italy, Germany, England, Austria, and Switzerland (Beer 1996:61) and into the hotel business (Lauser 2004:98). The variation among the individual European countries of their preconditions for access to their job markets and immigration opportunities is in part responsible for the variety of forms taken by Philippine migration to Europe. For example, by contrast to Germany, Austria and Switzerland, hardly any Philippine health specialists emigrated to Italy because of the country’s laws at that time (Campani 1993:197).

10 Other sectors were the “entertainment” sector largely in Japan (Carino 1992:6, Campani 1993:196) – frequently a euphemism for prostitution – and the recruiting of Philippine seamen, whose numbers rose from 50,000 in 1984 to 125,000 in 1991 (Carino 1992:6).

2. Philippine migrants around the world

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2 .2 Philippine government policy on migration and diaspora

Since the 1970s, a major share of Philippine labour migration has been coordinated, regulated and pro-moted by the state itself. The focus here is on the flow of temporary Philippine labour migrants. Less attention is devoted in Philippine policy to immigrants permanently settled abroad.

A brief look at various activities follows: placement and protection policy pertaining to Philippine la-bour migrants, reintegration of returnees, strengthening the links to the diaspora, promotion of know-ledge transfer and cooperation at international level. To begin with, the classical migration and diaspora policy followed by the Overseas Employment Program, as it was first known, and its institutionalisation are described. The measures taken to protect labour migrants are considered exemplary worldwide (Glo-bal Commission 2005:27).

a) Placement and protection policy for labour migrants

The active participation of Philippine policymakers in international labour recruitment began under the government of Ferdinand Marcos with the introduction of the 1974 Labour Code as well as the corre-sponding Overseas Employment Programme (Asis 1992:71). As already described, it was conceived as a temporary measure to alleviate the high unemployment and to pay down the national debt, and only in the course of time did it become “the top foreign-exchange-earning industry of the country” (Battistella/Paginoni 1992:1). The institutionalisation of government involvement and the intention of assuming sole control of the international flow of migration first became manifest with the creation of the Over-seas Employment Development Board (OEDB) and the National Seamen Board (NSB) (Asis 1992:71, Lauser 2004:99). These bodies were charged with developing the programme and conducting the pro-cess of labour migration. Because of the enormous volume of interest, however, in 1978 private agencies again took on the functions of recruitment and job placement abroad, which overtaxed the capacities of government structures (Battistella/Paginoni 1992:1, Asis 1992:71, Lauser 2004:99). Only the issuing of licences to private agencies and the security and welfare aspects remained under state control with the establishment in 1977 of the Welfare Fund for Overseas Workers (Lauser 2004:99). This organisation’s function was to look after the interests and social concerns of Philippine labour migrants.

The continuing increase of emigration flows made more extensive restructuring necessary. In 1982, the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) was set up under the authority of the labour ministry and from then on assumed the functions and duties of the OEDB and the NSB, such as further development and monitoring of the programme.11 The POEA was also given legal powers (Asis 1992:72). To the present day it is the authority for overall management of the Philippine temporary labour migration. Another innovation was introduced in 1987 with restructuring of the Welfare Fund to form the present Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) to protect labour migrants.12

In particular, the demand for more intensive preparatory and protective measures for labour migrants gained momentum sharply with the Flor Contemplacion case in 1995.13 A confession was wrung from the labour migrant Flor Contemplacion, after she had been drugged and given electroshock treatment, in which she admitted that she had murdered another Philippine labour migrant, Delia Maga, and the child of her employer (Agunias/Ruiz 2007:7). She was found guilty of murder and hanged in Singa-pore. The case led to extensive politicising of Philippine labour migration, which in turn caused a brief interruption in labour migration to Singapore. In view of the high demand, however, this proved to be an ineffective measure (Castles 2003:168f ). In reaction to these events, in June 1995 the Migrant Workers and Filipino Overseas Act was passed (Castles 2003:169, Gonzales 1996:315). This statute

11 Cf. www.poea.gov.ph

12 Cf. www.owwa.gov.ph

13 The Contemplacion case should be seen in the context of the other, in part unexplained, deaths of Philippine labour migrants, which lent it its shock effect.

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emphasises the special responsibility of the state vis-à-vis its citizens working overseas and their human rights. “The existence of the overseas employment program rests solely on the assurance that the dignity and fundamental human rights and freedoms of the Filipino citizens shall not, at any time, be compro-mised or violated.”14 In this connection, the Office of the Legal Assistant for Migrant Workers Affairs (OLAMWA) was set up in the foreign ministry to create other structures in support of the concerns of overseas Filipino workers (OFW) (cf. www.dfa.gov.ph).15

OWWA, however, remained the key player with respect to measures to protect Philippine labour mi-grants (Agunias/Ruiz 2007:9). Financed by contributions from employers and labour migrants, and by investment dividends and interest, OWWA receives no official government funding. (Agunias/Ruiz 2007:6).16 It is responsible for a number of social programmes. Beside returnee aid, health, insur-ance and loan programmes, it also offers what it terms “pre-departure orientation seminars” (Castles 2003:168). These educational and training activities are mostly directed at the women labour migrants seeking work in the entertainment industry, in private homes or as nurses. If a labour migrant becomes ill or dies while abroad, he or she is entitled to returnee aid from OWWA. This also applies if war breaks out, as for example during the war in Lebanon in 2006, or in case of other difficulties. For these eventu-alities, OWWA has social workers in countries where there are large numbers of Philippine labour mi-grants (Asis 1992:72f ). In 2006 there were 28 social workers in 16 countries (Agunias/Ruiz 2007:10). They often work under the auspices of the local Philippine embassies or consulates.

b) Promoting the reintegration of returnees

By setting up in March 2007 a new reintegration centre under the authority of the Department of La-bour and Employment (DOLE), the Philippine Government has laid the institutional foundation for far-reaching cooperation with Philippine migrants, in particular with returnees.17 Here capacities and resources are to be focused, information imparted about jobs, investment, business and higher educa-tion opportunities and counselling services and passed on to returning Filipinas/os. At the time it was founded, it was credited with being the first of its kind in the world. But the individual programmes seem not yet to be fully developed, as detailed information is not available, at least not on the Internet. It is also not clear to whom specifically the programmes are directed.

Furthermore, the OWWA makes training opportunities available and provides legal, economic and so-cial counselling services for returning migrants and their families. The reintegration programme offers on the one hand psychosocial counselling and on the other, business development advice.

c) Bolstering ties with the diaspora

In order first of all to institutionalise the mode of dealing with the Filipinas/os living overseas, most of them permanently, in 1980 the Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) was established.18 This body reports to the office of the president and was founded to promote, reinforce and maintain closer economic and cultural bonds between Philippine migrants (and their families and offspring) and their country of origin. It also serves the president and parliament as a consulting and informational source in regard to migration-relevant policies and programmes. The commission is particularly active in the fol-lowing four programme areas:

14 See www.poea.gov.ph/rules/ra8042.html

15 “Overseas Filipino workers” (OFW) is the term used for temporary Philippine labour migrants or those whose contracts are handled by the POEA.

16 Per overseas job there is a USD 25 fee. This should be paid by the employer, but seldom is (ALCID 2005:14).

17 See www.nrco.dole.org.ph

18 See www.cfo.gov.ph

2. Philippine migrants around the world

10

1. Social and economic integration of Philippine migrants

2. Philippine education

3. Philippine unity and national development

4. Political development and information.

Promotion and support of national development processes are included under the third programme point. This point covers various programmes, such as the programme in existence since 1989: Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino (LINKAPIL) or Link for Philippine Development. It provides financial support from migrants to selected projects in the areas of health, education or securing livelihoods. It offers, for instance, the opportunity to sponsor the education or training of young Filipinas/os. However, it seems to be little used by Filipinas/os living in Germany and to be known to only a few. To better identify po-tential projects and for a comprehensive overview of the economic situation in individual provinces, the CFO has developed the PHILNEED system. It makes the requisite information available and encour-ages further development cooperation. Further activities in programme point three are the Month of Overseas Filipinos, held annually in December with various campaigns. With the Awards and Recogni-tion of Filipinos Overseas, recognition is given to the outstanding commitment of migrants and their organisations as well as to publications related to the theme.

To promote cultural and linguistic unity and understanding, in 2005 the CFO developed an e-learn-ing programme for the national language, Filipino, with its own website, the LEARN Filipino pro-gramme.19 Since 1983 young Filipinas/os living overseas or belonging to the “second generation” have been able to participate in the Lakbay-Aral (travel-study) programme. This study trip is organised to give young Filipinas/os an opportunity, by visiting various programme points in the Philippines, to dis-cover their Philippine identity and to strengthen their bonds with the country.20

d) Promotion of knowledge transfer

To increase knowledge transfer, the Balik Scientist Program (BSP) was initiated under the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) in 1975.21 It is addressed to highly-qualified Philippine academics in various specialties who want to return to the Philippines temporarily or permanently. For 2008, the scientists particularly in demand will be those in biotechnology and fuels, information and communica-tion technology, and pharmaceuticals and environment. Candidates’ travel expenses are paid, their lodg-ing provided and internships arranged with recognised research and development projects. Temporary returnees also receive travel expenses and candidates are paid USD 150 per diem in compensation for outlays. Because the number of Filipinas/os in the academic field in Germany seems to be limited, this is another seldom-used programme. This is probably closely related to the professional status of Filipi-nas/os in Germany, which will be examined in greater detail later. Furthermore, in 1987 the Philippine foreign ministry created the Science and Technology Advisory Council (STAC), which encouraged Philippine academics to form an association in order to increase intellectual exchange and knowledge transfer. Besides the USA, Canada and Japan, STAC associations existed in Austria and Sweden (Opini-ano 2006:81f ). Still very active today, the Japanese association (cf. www.stacj.org) offers include EDP courses or an advanced training programme in business management. It has also assembled an on-line database with and for Philippine academics living in Japan. In the time from 1988 to 1994, there was another programme in the Philippines, called the UNDP Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate Nationals (TOKTEN) programme, operated jointly with the DFA. The motivating force behind the programme was State Secretary Federico Macaranas. After he left the foreign ministry, the programme was closed (Opiniano 2006:82).

19 See www.learnfilipino.ph

20 Similar programmes are offered by Israel and Taiwan. See www.birthrightisrael.com or www.ocac.gov.tw

21 See Balik Scientist Program (BSP) at http://pia.gov.ph

11

e) International cooperation

The Philippines work jointly with various international organisations in the migration sector. The OWWA cooperated with, for example, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in con-nection with aid to returning labour migrants during the 2006 Lebanon war. Sixty-seven percent of the labour migrants from Lebanon were repatriated by the IOM (Agunias/Ruiz 2007:20). Other IOM programs are in the information/education area. Here IOM cooperates with the Philippine Government to inform seamen and their families about HIV/AIDS. In addition, IOM takes part in a programme analysing ways of helping Philippine migrants in Italy.

That the Philippines also support international regulatory mechanisms is illustrated by their commit-ment and cooperation with the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM). As part of this international cooperation, regional hearings were conducted in the Philippines. In October 2008, the Philippines also held the Global Forum on Migration and Development in Manila.22 This was con-vened in 2006 by Kofi Annan, the UN General Secretary at the time, and his Special Representative on International Migration and Development, Peter Sutherland. The meeting provided an occasion to dis-cuss and analyse the interaction of migration and development at the international level and to examine and initiate practical and action-oriented mechanisms.

2 .3 Migration-related civil society engagement in the Philippines

Apart from governmental diaspora policy, there are traditionally in the Philippines strong civil society structures which are also engaged in realising the potential of migrants (Piper/Uhlin 2002:183).

Various networks, such as the Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), are engaged in public policy educational work and capacity building.23 Within the MFA, a number of NGOs have united to devote them-selves to a range of thematic areas. The Center for Migrant Advocacy (CMA), for example, works to strengthen the legal basis for improving the socioeconomic and legal situation of migrants both in the Philippines and in the host countries. The NGO Unlad Kabayan, on the other hand, has developed educational programmes in investment and savings for migrants in order to help them to increase their financial resources and to initiate private sector ventures. The Athika Overseas Workers and Commu-nities Initiative attempts through relevant social programmes to absorb the costs to families of labour migration. To this end, it has conducted studies of the potential benefits or negative impacts of labour migration. Among the other MFA network members are the Batis Center for Women, the Kanlungan Center Foundation and KAKAMMPI. The NGOs in the network operate in close cooperation with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung office in Manila which is increasingly engaged in the field of migration and supports many activities both operationally and financially.24

A new coalition of NGOs, the Philippine Consortium on Migration and Development (PhilComDev), devotes its efforts increasingly to migration and development issues.25 Other information portals, such as the OFW Journalism Consortium26 or the Internet site Filipino Diasporagiving,27 provide informa-tion on innovations, activities or potentials in the Philippine migration scene. Additionally, in Manila since 1987, the Scabrini Migration Center investigates and publicises the circumstances and impacts of Philippine migration.28

22 See http://gfmd2008.org

23 See www.mfasia.org

24 See www.fes.org.ph

25 See www.mfasia.org/mfaResources/PhilCoMDev%20General%20Assemly.pdf

26 See www.ofwjournalism.net

27 See www.filipinodiasporagiving.org

28 See www.smc.org.ph

2. Philippine migrants around the world

12

The Ayala Foundation, located in Manila, and its American branch, based in California, are also com-mitted to development in cooperation with the Philippine diaspora in the USA. They financially sup-port the project Philippine Emerging Start-Ups Open (PESO), launched by Philippine students of the respected Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).29 Philippine Start-Ups, like other small and medium-sized enterprises, are invited each year to take part in their business plan competition. MIT’s objective is to support innovative entrepreneurial projects and business plans and to promote the net-working of existing enterprises.

Philippine migrants from the IT sector also started the Brain-Gain Network in the USA in 1992.30 This Internet-based database is to facilitate better networking of highly qualified Filipinos in science, tech-nology, etc., in order to enable joint projects and business strategies to be carried out in the USA and in the Philippines. The networking instrument also functions as an information portal, performs mentor-ing services, has a job-search and an expert-search function and hosts an Internet forum.

29 See www.pesochallenge.org

30 See www.bgn.org/bgn

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3 . The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

The Philippine migration to Germany is best understood in connection with the emigration waves de-scribed, with European or German immigration regulations and with Philippines network structures.

3 .1 History and forms of Philippine migration to Germany

The immigration of skilled Philippine workers to the Federal Republic of Germany began in the con-text of the second emigration wave from the Philippines discussed in section 2.1.2. In the mid-1960s as the result of targeted recruitment by the medical sector and the health care sector, nurses, midwives and medical technical assistants and a few doctors immigrated to Germany (Broeckmann 2000:22). In 1965, the first 41 nurses arrived at the Landeskrankenhaus Bad Homburg (Beer 1996:67). Recruiting in the Philippines was done through travel agencies and employment agencies, which broadcast announce-ments or radio appeals. The systematic recruitment was aimed at alleviating the massive state of emer-gency in medical care in German hospitals, retirement homes and hospices.

The lack of legal frame conditions for accreditation of academic degrees and the absence of standard wage scales left many labour migrants at the mercy of their employers, despite the fact that the level of training received by Philippine nurses is very high compared with other countries (Roth 1994). Not un-til 1974 were solutions proposed for this problem, with the signing of the Agreement on the Employment of Philippine Registered Nurses and Midwives in German Hospitals between the German Government, the Philippine OEDB and the German Hospital Federation (DKG) (Bacareza in Beer 1996:67). This agreement never came into effect, however, because recruiting stopped in 1976 (Broeckmann 2000:23). Apart from this targeted recruitment of trained medical staff, Philippine sailors were also recruited in the 1970s (Salazar in Beer 1996:62).

In the late 1970s, further migration took place as families were reunited and in the course of “marriage migration” (Ökumenische Asiengruppe 2001:60). By 1976, hardly any immigration still took place via the labour market, and a tourist visa extension beyond the three-month limit could no longer be taken for granted. This state of affairs was among the decisive factors shaping Philippine marriage migration. It meant that marrying a German citizen was one of the few remaining ways to migrate to Germany. In 1992, about 1000 people applied for marriage visas, while in 1993 the number rose to 1,500 (Beer 1996:64).31

Restricting the ways in which Filipinas/os could migrate to Germany favoured (and still favours) ir-regular migration: e.g., through entering the country on a tourist visa, then not leaving when it expired (over-stayers). Mostly women, but some men as well, work as “TNTs” (tagu-nang-tago: to hide), as housekeepers, babysitters or cleaners.32 Further isolated cases of temporary migration occur with the goal of getting basic or post-basic training. The number of Philippine students attending German uni-versities, however, at fewer than 200 seems comparatively small.33

3 .2 Size and social structure

Contrary to the estimates of the Commission on Filipinos Overseas (cf. Table 1) and according to the Federal Statistical Office (from data in the Central Registry of Foreigners), in 2006, a total of 20,093 Philippine citizens lived in the Federal Republic of Germany of whom 4,155 were men and 15,938 women (Federal Statistical Office, 2006b). The share of women in 2006 was nearly 80 percent. The

31 Pleas have been made for a sensitive discussion of concepts and stereotyping. See e.g. Andrea Lauser (1997, 2005).

32 The scarcity of documents referring to these migrations to Germany makes it impossible to provide a detailed description here.

33 See www.diplo.de/diplo/de/Laenderinformationen/Philippinen/Bilateral.html and www.daad.de/de/download/laenderinfos/handout_philippinen-2006-de.pdf

3. The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

14

cause of this should be regarded as both push and pull factors. On the one hand, there is an increased demand for women workers in the domestic sphere as well as in that of medical care.34 On the other hand, the Philippines have specialised in “exporting workers”.

The differences between the figures of the CFO and those of the Federal Statistical Office can be ex-plained as follows: that the numbers collected by the Federal Statistical Office include neither those Filipinas/os who during their stay in Germany have taken German citizenship, nor all of those who are living here irregularly. CFO estimates that in 2006 2,100 irregular Philippine migrants were living Ger-many (see Table 1). Because of the nature of the problem it is extremely difficult to obtain estimates of irregular migration. For that reason, at this point further figures will not be given.

In the period between 1999 and 2006, the number of Philippine citizens in Germany diminished stead-ily. At the end of 2006 only 20,093 Filipinas/os were still listed in the Central Registry of Foreigners. The reason for this shrinkage, however, is not higher rates of emigration but rather the growing number of Philippine immigrants achieving citizenship. This is also shown by the positive balance of influx and outflow. In 2006, for example, there was an influx of 1,456 (1,239 of which were first entries) as against 708 departures (Federal Statistical Office 2006b).

The average age of people naturalised in 2006 was at 39.1 years, relatively high compared with other immigrant groups. The average stay at the time of naturalisation was 13.6 years (Federal Statistical Of-fice 2006a).

Table 2. Size, naturalisations and naturalisation rate in 1999-2006

Philippine population in Germany

Naturalisations Naturalisation rate (in %)

1999 24,672 983 4,0

2000 24,475 1,200 4,9

2001 23,956 1,290 5,4

2002 23,496 1,297 5,5

2003 23,171 1,074 4,6

2004 19,966 809 4,1

2005 20,233 652 3,2

2006 20,093 745 3,7

Source: Federal Statistical Office, 2006a, 2006b

a) Geographical distribution

Table 3 shows the geographical distribution in Germany. The greater share of Filipinas/os in Germany live in the old federal states. This distribution should be viewed in the context of the close ties between the Philippines and the USA and against the background of German history. Only in Hamburg and in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania does the number of men exceed that of the women. Regarding Ham-burg, employment chances for seamen offer a possible explanation.

34 Gender is a key “structural feature of migration” (Han 2003:12, Parrenas 2003:38), i.e. the global migration of men and women is determined to a special degree by existing gender role attribution and concomitantly by the attributed work areas.

15

Table 3. Distribution in Germany, 2006

Federal State Total Women Men

North Rhine-Westphalia 3,932 3,196 736

Bavaria 3,163 2,854 309

Hesse 3,074 2,532 542

City of Frankfurt 564 400 164

Baden-Wuerttemberg 3,038 2,733 305

Lower Saxony 1,698 1,153 545

Hamburg 1,595 600 995

Rhineland-Palatinate 1,192 1,073 119

Berlin 874 682 165

Schleswig-Holstein 666 449 217

Bremen 308 183 125

Saarland 209 175 34

Saxony 128 106 22

Brandenburg 70 68 2

Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

67 33 34

Thuringia 55 53 2

Saxony-Anhalt 51 48 3

Source: Federal Statistical Office, 2006b

b) Age structure and family status

In 2006, the average age of Filipinas/os living in Germany was 38.7 years. Of the Filipinas/os registered in Germany, the majority (12,006) are married, 8,512 to a German. Those recorded as single, widowed, divorced or family status unknown amounted to 8,087.

c) Work field and residence status

Today a large number of Filipinas/os still work in the medical or health care sectors. Those who came to Germany in one of the immigration waves are in the great majority of cases well integrated (Beer 1996:62, 67). Although the lack of recognition of vocational certificates/degrees in Germany resulted in vocational demotion for many Filipinas/os or forced them to earn make-up diplomas, nevertheless most of them hold secure residence status. Many have now become German citizens.

The legal work and residence status of migrants who came to Germany via the marriage migration are also for the most part secure (Ökumenische Asiengruppe 2001:60). Vocational demotion and its

3. The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

16

impacts on social status represents a common feature of Philippine migration to Germany, since numer-ous Filipinas/os are well-trained, yet cannot get work corresponding to their qualifications. Many Filipi-nas/os work in the private service sector, to a great extent in diplomatic households.

Further jobs at which Filipinas/os work full or part-time include what is called “ethnic business” such as money transfer enterprises (remittance centres), mail order companies – Balikbayan Box35 – (Szanton Blanc 1996), small snack bars or, occasionally, restaurants and groceries.36 They are also active informal-ly as entrepreneurs besides working in tourism, in banks or administrative offices. Some are employed in social services such as counselling. A few Filipinas are employed in university administrations or are teachers.

Among the Filipinas/os who have not been naturalised, at the end of 2006 about half of them held an indefinite residence status, according to the Central Registry for Foreigners.37

3 .3 Organisational forms

According to lists kept by the Philippine embassy in Berlin, there are in Germany more than 180 Phil-ippine associations, organisations, small clubs, groups and societies – more than 60 in North Rhine-Westphalia alone.38 There are also groups and associations that are not on the embassy lists. A list published in the Internet by a Philippine association reckons with over 250 of such organisations.39 In all, an estimated 60 percent of the Filipinas/os living in Germany belong to or are active members of diaspora organisations (Pimentel Schnell 2005:94).

A possible explanation for the large number of groups is the positive relationship of Filipinas/os to so-cial proximity and to community (Roth 1994). Frequently the activities around such structures offer an opportunity to exchange ideas and experience, and with it social contact and family-like relationships. In the Philippines, the family is one of the most important institutions. “Family is, by far, the most important, the most cherished, and the most durable institution in Philippine society (Asis 1994:16). Additionally, several of those interviewed confirmed the assumption that many Filipinas/os strive for leadership in different groups, which promotes fragmentation of the groups and the organisational landscape and hampers efforts to establish an overarching network (Catapusan in Beer 1996:109). A further supposition concerning the large number of groups has to do with the geographical distribution of Filipinas/os around Germany. Usually activities take place locally in a very restricted space. Small cul-tural groups or Christian congregations have a very limited impact radius. The dispersion of Filipinas/os results in the founding of a number of small clubs, Christian congregations, etc. In larger events such as Christmas and summer fairs it can happen that various groups and individuals – some from more remote parts of the region – come together to celebrate and exchange news and information. In August 2007, for example, a Philippine summer fair took place in Düsseldorf with various Philippine clubs, groups and societies participating. The fair was organised by the Philippine Länderforum NRW in

35 Balikbayan can be translated as “returnee”. In Balikbayan boxes various goods such as clothing, food, etc. are shipped to the Philippines.

36 These observations are based on the information acquired in the interviews and on personal contacts mainly in the Frankfurt (Main) area.

37 In 2006, Filipinas/os living in Germany had the following residence status: Out of 20,093 individuals, 2,280 had a temporary residence status in accord with the old foreigner statute of 1990, and 7,488 had permanent status. At the same time, by the new residence law of 2004, 4,172 people had a temporary residence permit and 4,252 held permanent settlement permits. In addition, in 294 other cases, the individual was exempted from the requirement for a residence permit or had applied for a permit. One hundred twenty-three had a temporary EU residence permit and 160 had a permanent EU permit. Thirty-nine had only a temporary suspension of deportation, three had a temporary residence permit while waiting for asylum and 1,282 were without any permit.

38 On the website of the Philippine embassy in Berlin is a list of Philippine clubs, groups, networks, societies, etc. The list is not up to date, however. See www.philippinischebotschaft.de.

39 See www.ka-mag-anak.org/Vereine.htm. This list also includes clubs and organisations that have been dissolved and thus no longer reflects entirely the current status (2007).

17

cooperation with other Philippine groups.40 In 2006, the Philippine community in Berlin celebrated its 20th anniversary together with Filipinas/os from other parts of Germany.41

3 .4 Activities related to the Philippines

As will be shown below, activities of the Philippine diaspora in Germany take various forms. They often have a decidedly transnational character (Schwenken 2006).

3 .4 .1 Religious, cultural, social and public-benefit activities42

Because of the importance of the Christian faith, in which over 90 percent of Filipinas/os profess to believe, a major part of the activities in Germany is modelled on Christian religious structures.43 These Christian Philippine communities and other groups frequently become important orientation points for Filipinas/os in Germany. The church groups in this way serve not only the practise of a religion, they are also meeting points, communication facilities and information centres (Roth 1994). Important news on developments within the local parishes, in the Philippines or in the personal sphere can be exchanged and passed on. New Christian groups, such as the Couples for Christ, are represented in various Ger-man cities.44

Dance groups, German-Philippine or Philippine-German clubs and friendship circles, dedicated to cultural understanding or the preservation of traditional cultural values, like the church communities, are another frequently encountered form of association among Filipinas/os in Germany. Well-rehearsed presentations are performed at Philippine festivals and fiestas or at special occasions such as intercul-tural meetings and festivities, weddings or company parties. Such events and performances are to keep Philippine culture alive and generally accessible. For many of these groups, contributing to international understanding is of great concern.45 Cultural societies, too, like the branches of the Order of Rizal who have made it their goal to disseminate the values, the renown and the pedagogical ideas of Rizal – the Philippine national hero – have chapters in various German cities that seek to preserve traditional Phil-ippine ideals. As they are distributed worldwide, they offer an opportunity to set up an international network. Their “chapters”, as their regional branches are called, include Germany-wide an estimated 400 Filipinas/os.46 Technological progress in communications has brought Internet blogs into existence, maintained by Filipinas/os and serving as social and cultural forums. The scope of this development, however, cannot be estimated yet.

The religious and cultural organisational forms and activities described serve to uphold – along with social communication, religious practice and preservation of cultural values in Germany – social and public benefit engagement in the Philippines. This retains fundamental importance because of the value placed on family and community. By letters, telephone calls, emails, financial transfers (remittances) and Balikbayan boxes, the bond is preserved. In addition, within the scope of financial and residence requirements, periodic trips are made to the Philippines.

40 For details on the NRW Länderforum Philippines, see at www.eine-welt-netz-nrw.de/wiki_03/doku.php?id=start.

41 See information brochure Filipinos in Berlin, 2006. On this occasion, money was collected for street children in Bulacan.

42 This description of the circumstances is based on information gathered in the interviews.

43 See www.diplo.de/diplo/de/Laenderinformationen/01-Laender/Philippinen.html

44 It has happened that a church community unites several Philippine Christian groups under one umbrella. This was the case in the former St Ignatsiusgemeinde in Frankfurt. In this church both the Christian group Couples for Christ as well as the El Shaddie Gemeinde and other groups joined forces under the corporate banner of the Philippine Catholic Community eV. This union and the official entry in the registry of associations served, besides consolidating resources, to ensure that money donated for projects in the Philippines could be correctly administered.

45 This was emphasised in conversations with representatives of such associations.

46 These estimates came from a member of this group.

3. The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

18

Besides the individual remittances, most of which are transferred to family members in the Philip-pines, many groups and clubs collect funds on a small scale through various events and activities (such as shows or raffles), known as “collective remittances”47 to be sent to public-benefit projects in the home villages and cities. Mostly these are small local projects such as installation of sanitary facilities in schools, support for street children, or shipment of medicines or other goods. This sort of support is given both regularly and irregularly. It usually depends on the engagement of individual active members of the diaspora structures. Often money will be collected informally from a number of private persons and sent to the Philippines. On the ground, cooperation takes place with local organisations, family members or community leaders.

Example 1: Butuan Global Foundation48

The Butuan Global Foundation works to improve environmental policy aspects on a local scale. The foun-dation was established by Butuan citizens and has headquarters in California. The German branch of the foundation is in Wuppertal. In cooperation with local administrative structures of the city of Butuan, an effort is being made to curb the pollution of the river Masaos and the concomitant health damage to the resident population. The German branch has already sent a position paper to the relevant city council in Butuan. Although the activities appear to be an isolated instance and dependent on single individuals, nev-ertheless the migrants’ knowledge of political mechanisms and structures was used.

Example 2: Ancop Deutschland e.V.

Ancop Deutschland e.V. was formed on the initiative of the Couples for Christ group and originally served to support the Philippine initiative Gawad Kalinga. The objective of this organisation is alleviation of pover-ty through the construction of 700,000 housing units for the poor in 7,000 Philippine communities within seven years (2003-2010). Another project envisioned by Ancop Deutschland is support for sanitary facilities in the German Village of the Gawad Kalinga Initiative.

Example 3: Engagement in the academic area

Under the catchword Knowledge and Know-How Transfer, a German-Filipino married couple active in the university sphere are promoting the work of young scientists from the Philippines through research stays in Germany. On their return, the young academics are to apply in the Philippines the expertise gained in Germany.

3 .4 .2 Private sector activities and remittances49

There are also various forms of private sector activities in connection with the Philippines. Since many entrepreneurial activities, such as purchase and sale of Philippine products or services, are of an informal nature, getting information is difficult. There are scattered instances of trading in local products such as mangos or Philippine hand-crafted articles. In Germany there are several small businesses similar to those that send Balikbayan boxes to the Philippines.50 There are other commercial activities in the tour-ism area and to a lesser extent in other business sectors. The Philippine ambassador in Germany, Delia Domingo-Albert, tries to encourage Philippine women to pursue innovative business ideas in coopera-tion with the UNDP programme, “Winners”.

47 See www.focus-migration.de/index.php?id=1200&L=0

48 Butuan is a city on the southern island, Mindanao.

49 This information is based on the interviews conducted. No further business activities could be determined in this study, but should not be excluded as possibilities.

50 The close bond between Filipinas/os in Germany and their families in the Philippines leads many of them to send large packages of food and other necessary items to the islands (Szanton Blanc 1996).

19

Besides the collective remittances already mentioned, individual remittances in particular play a deci-sive role in development. Their close ties with the country of origin result in migrant regularly send-ing money (remittances) back to the Philippines. The Philippines rank fifth in the world in receiving money from overseas, after India, China, Mexico and France (Asis 2006b). In 2005, according to the POEA, USD 10,689 billion were sent; in 2006, USD 12,761 billion. But this only includes money sent through official channels.

The Deutsche Bundesbank estimates that Philippine migrants in 2006 and 2007 sent EUR 21 million each year from Germany to the Philippines as workers’ remittances. In comparison to 1999, these mon-ey transfers increased by EUR 6 million. No figures for the Philippines are available for the earnings of migrants, such as payments for dependent work, as seasonal labourer or commuter.

Table 4: Workers’ remittances from Germany to the Philippines according to the balance of payments of the Federal Republic of Germany 51

Year 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

In millions of euros 15 15 16 14 14 15 19 21 21

The remittances from Germany are made through remittance centres. The fees charged can be between EUR 1.50 and EUR 25 per transfer.52 Seventy percent of the remitters are women who at regular inter-vals, usually monthly, send money to their families. The monthly sums average EUR 200. A large part of the money is used in the Philippines for everyday needs. In addition, it makes school and university education possible for children and relatives or investments in housing construction. The money is also used to start up or expand small businesses. Dean Yang, in his study of the impact of remittances in the Philippines, found that they can influence the reduction of poverty (Yang 2006:81-121).

3 .4 .3 Political activities53

Political activities among Filipinas/os in Germany take place on a very limited scale (Beer 1996:113). Increased political engagement in the 1970s and 80s during the time of the Philippine ruler Ferdinand Marcos has turned into extensive political disillusionment among Filipinas/os. The belief that people are powerless in the face of political changes in the Philippines is often encountered, consequently con-fidence in the political system is low (Roth 1994) and interest in current events and political change in the Philippines is limited.

51 For the balance of payments calculation, guest workers are considered residents, since as a rule they stay in Germany for more than a year and their economic centre of gravity thus lies in Germany. Sums transported in cash and by bank transfer to their country of origin by foreigners living permanently in Germany are used either in establishing a second livelihood or in supporting family members. Since the amount involved in individual instances is usually less than the reporting limit of EUR 12,500 for the balance of payments statistics and a reporting obligation often is not recognised as such, remittances are estimated with the help of various statistical sources. For one thing, monthly summaries are available of the transfers made by the bank to each individual country of origin, which in part include payments lower than the reporting obligation. Moreover, the German Federal Employment Agency publishes current information on the number and origin of gainfully employed and unemployed foreigners living in Germany who are liable for social insurance. Until 2002, the annual investigative report of the MARPLAN Forschungsgesellschaft gave information on remittances in five of the most important countries of origin. The institute questioned some 2000 foreigners living in Germany about remittances made and cash taken to Turkey, Italy, Spain, Greece and former Yugoslavia. Based on this information, the transfers carried out are estimated on an annual basis for the individual countries of origin. Here in addition to the actually reported bank transfers come estimates of amounts transported in cash and amounts less than the reporting obligation which are not covered in the summary reports. In individual cases reductions can be made in the collective remittances reported, if there are indications that the payments were made for other purposes. (Unpublished information provided by the Deutsche Bundesbank in response to written inquiries).

52 These amounts are based on information on the home page www.geldransfair.de and on conversations with representatives of such centres in Frankfurt (Main) and therefore represent guidelines or examples.

53 The background described here is based on information obtained from interviews and on personal observation.

3. The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

20

The Philippine embassy and consulates staged a few informational events regarding the absentee vot-ing law54 that took effect in 2003. Besides the lack of interest in the prevailing political situation in the Philippines, a related practical problem emerged: Filipinas/os must register in person at the official gov-ernment offices in Bonn, Hamburg or Berlin in order to be able to vote. This, however, presents many voters with an obstacle to be overcome.

Political education activities are nevertheless important. Although only a few Philippine migrant organi-sations have taken them up in Germany, this remains a significant field of action. The Migrant Initia-tive, one of the few migrant organisations concerned with the subject, has also organised an informa-tional event on the absentee voting law.

3 .4 .4 Empowering and networking Philippine women

Another platform in Germany is the Philippine Women’s Forum which, as part of the Philippine wom-en’s network Babaylan – active throughout Europe – joins it in seeking to augment the status, skills and capacities of Philippine women. In the past it has worked primarily to meet the concerns of Philippine women living in Germany.

Founded in Barcelona in 1992, Babaylan is a pan-European network of Philippine women’s groups and initiatives.55 The objective of this association was and still is to interlink Philippine women in Europe and promote exchange of ideas among them in order to bring to light their respective problems and to formulate approaches to solving them in specific situations. In network meetings strategies and goals are formulated. Workshops and training seminars are organised proactively on, for example, saving or investing. These were among the subjects raised and discussed at a Babaylan conference in Cologne, Germany, in October 2007.

Example 1: Conference on Gender, Migration and Development of the Philippine women’s network, Babaylan

The conference on Gender, Migration and Development, financed in part by GTZ, was held from 26 – 28 October 2007 in Cologne, Germany. Among those taking part were Philippine women’s groups and initia-tives from ten European countries. Also present were two representatives and speakers from women’s initia-tives and development initiatives from the Philippines and Africa, as well as the Philippine ambassador in Germany, Delio Domingo Albert.In lectures, panel discussions and workshops, various themes such as remittances or the problems encoun-tered by Philippine women in Europe were addressed and discussed in the first part of the conference. Am-bassador Delia Domingo Albert reported on her efforts to integrate Philippine women more broadly into entrepreneurial activities.In conclusion, attention was focused on further capacity building. Continued efforts were agreed in fund-raising, project management, IT skills and communication. In a second part of the conference, the situa-tions of Philippine women and ongoing activities in the various countries were described.The conference advanced and supported the interlinking of Philippine women in Europe. It enabled the exchange of fundamental information and expertise (which also took place informally in the recesses) and contributed to increasing the capacities of Filipinas who in consequence could tackle additional activities. Knowing about the situations in the European countries or about already existing initiatives in terms of development processes in the Philippines increases opportunities for joint action.

54 RA 9189 – Overseas Voting Act – was passed in 2003 by the Philippine Congress after Philippine migrants and their organisations had backed it worldwide.

55 See www.babaylan-europe.org. In pre-Hispanic times “Babaylane” were priestesses who not only conducted sacred rituals but also held political leadership roles in their societies and worked for establishment of an egalitarian society.

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3 .4 .5 Difficulties and challenges

A fundamental problem for Philippine migrant organisations working in Germany is gaining access to financial resources in order to carry out their activities. Many of the active groups lack partners who could furnish support, including financial, to their work. They also lack sufficient knowledge of where to obtain promotion and how to apply. In addition, application processes are frequently discouraging, bureaucratic and complicated. Many of the activities are also done by unpaid volunteers whose time for further engagement is limited by work and family commitments.

Philippine migration is mostly a migration of well-trained persons. Nonetheless, the non-recognition of training certificates/diplomas sharply restricts possible employment of Filipinas/os in Germany. This disqualification in the labour market prevents using the potential of the Philippine diaspora to the full-est extent for the development of their country of origin.

3 .4 .6 European comparison

Philippine migrants in Europe, especially in the Netherlands and England, are for the most part well interlinked by networks, as shown in the preceding example of Babaylan. At conferences, in workshops and training sessions they share basic knowledge and transmit important know-how, including on the subject of remittances. The Netherlands’ Pasali Philippine Foundation, for example, is active in this area. It was founded by Philippine seafarers and is active in projects both in the Philippines and in the Neth-erlands. They inform Filipinas/os about the potentials of remittances, savings or investments. The foun-dation is engaged in southern Mindanao. Other cooperation in the Netherlands takes place with Oxfam Novib, the Bayanihan Foundation and the Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers (cf. Example 1).

Example 2: Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos (ERCOF)

The Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos (ERCOF) was founded in 1999 in Geneva and opened its Philippine office in 2003. It links organisations and individuals in the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Singapore, Japan and Saudi Arabia, whose goal is to support development of the local economy in the Philippines through the investments and savings of migrants (www.ercof.org). Through the Overseas Filipinos Savings and Investments in Microfinance Rural Banks programme, ERCOF promotes savings and time or fixed term deposits by migrants in local microfinance institutions. The time deposits are made for at least one year at an interest rate from 8.5 percent up to 10 percent annually (Schüt-tler 2008:22-25). In 2004, overseas Filipinos in Luxemburg and the Netherlands opened a time deposit amounting to EUR 6,900 in the local banks Xavier Punla and Xavier Tibod. The two microfinance institutions were set up by the private Milamdec Foundation, located in Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro City, which for 20 years has given financial support to farmers. To save on costs, the money was transferred collectively in both cases from the bank account of one of the participants to an account at the corresponding local bank in the Phil-ippines. In spite of the collective transfer, each individual investor received a time deposit certificate from the Milamdec Fundation (ibid.).After this initial experience, ERCOF introduced its savings mechanisms to Philippine migrants in five Eu-ropean cities. Feedback from the migrants made clear the need to increase the number of banks cooperat-ing with ERCOF, since the Filipinas/os living overseas want their savings to be credited to a microfinance institution in their local community. Consequently, ERCOF in 2006 signed an agreement with the Rural Bankers Association of the Philippines Inc. (RBAP), in which local banks (of whom 120 are involved in microfinance activities) are organised. This greatly expanded the opportunities for migrants to invest in their place of origin, since ca. two-thirds of the Philippine labour migrants come from rural areas (ibid.).

3. The Philippine Diaspora in Germany

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4 . Conclusions and recommendations

Although Germany is not among Philippine migration’s classical target countries, nevertheless it has a well-integrated Philippine diaspora which, through various activities, is engaged in its coun-try of origin. Even Filipinas/os living irregularly in Germany always have their country, or family mem-bers there, in mind.

The Philippine diaspora in Germany has varied forms of organisation and is internationally active. Groups and activities are most frequently organised along religious, cultural or charitable lines. Besides encouraging religious practices, social get-togethers and intercultural communication, the diaspora plays a significant role in supporting the country of origin through collective remittances, materials/equip-ment, or know-how transfer. Most of the clubs, groups and organisations support small projects in the Philippines, either financially (at regular intervals or occasionally), by donating materials/equipment or through know-how transfer.

Along with collective engagement, individual remittances – usually sent to a family member – repre-sent great potential for the country of origin. An important starting point which needs more support is capacity building for investment in productive sectors in the Philippines and in saving in order to assure the long-term use of financial resources. Creating awareness of opportunities to raise funds is an important precondition for being able to initiate comprehensive and sustainable development processes. Options in this connection include putting on informational events and training courses in cooperation with the Philippine Embassy.

Interlinking Philippine women in networks like Babaylan already offers significant prospects for coop-eration with Europe. A further possibility is working together with internationally linked Philippine organisations and groups like Philippine Women’s Forum or Migrant Initiative. Forming closer ties with Philippine migrant organisations in other European countries is to be recommended. Also conceiv-able is cooperation with development policy institutions, organisations and clubs in Germany that are already collaborating with Philippine migrant groups. The Philippine office in Essen deserves special mention here as a cooperation partner because of its good integration in civil society structures and its many years of contact with Philippine migrant organisations.

Basically, the aforementioned activities of the Philippine diaspora in Germany with respect to their country of origin point to a high potential for cooperation with German Development Cooperation (DC). In order to use most effectively the synergy effects between German DC objectives and the Phil-ippine diaspora, the organisational structures of the diaspora need to be further strengthened. In addi-tion to the limited financial, human and time resources of volunteer individuals and organisations, a high degree of organisational fragmentation poses a special obstacle to diaspora efforts.

Furthermore, the perception of GTZ as a cooperation partner within Germany must be heightened. At the moment, the many Philippine organisations and individuals who have come in contact with GTZ’s work still regard it solely as a development policy actor in the Philippines. Establishing a fund for finan-cial support of selected initiatives within Germany seems advisable, in addition to providing organisa-tional support for Filipino initiatives and capacity building. Because of linguistic barriers and to avoid frightening people off, consideration should be given to allowing applications in English. Christian communities, as centres of information and communication, could also serve in the dissemination of information about cooperation between migrant organisations and the sector project.

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6 . Internet sources

Auswärtiges Amt (AA) Philippinenseite: www.diplo.de/diplo/de/Laenderinformationen/Philippinen/Bilateral.html www.diplo.de/diplo/de/Laenderinformationen/01-Laender/Philippinen.html

Babaylan (Philippine Women’s Network): www.babaylan-europe.org

Balik Scientist Program (BSP): http://pia.gov.ph/default.asp?m=12&fi=p070622.htm&no=30

Brain Gain Network (BGN): www.bgn.org/bgn

Commission of Filipinos Overseas (CFO): www.cfo.gov.ph www.cfo.gov.ph/Stock%202006.pdf

Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (daad) Informationsseiten Philippinen: www.daad.de/de/download/laenderinfos/handout_philippinen-2006-de.pdf

E-learning Programm für Tagalog: www.learnfilipino.ph

Filipino Diaspora Giving (Internetportal): www.filipinodiasporagiving.org

Filipinos-in-Berlin (philippinische Community in Berlin): www.filipinos-in-berlin.de

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) in Manila: www.fes.org.ph

Gawad Kalinga: www.gawadkalinga.org

Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM): www.gfmd-fmmd.org/en/press-release/philippines-prepares-way-gfmd-manila-october-2008-report-first-fof-meeting

Ka mag anak (philippinischer Verein mit umfassender Liste): www.ka-mag-anak.org/Vereine.htm

Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA): www.mfasia.org www.mfasia.org/mfaResources/PhilCoMDev%20General%20Assemly.pdf

Migration Policy Institute (MPI): www.migrationpolicy.org

National Reintegration Centre for OFWs (NRCO): www.nrco.dole.org.ph

National Statistics Office (NSO): www.census.gov.ph

Netzwerk Migration in Europa: www.focus-migration.de/index.php?id=1200&L=0

OFW Journalism Consortium: www.ofwjournalism.net

Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission: www.ocac.gov.tw

Overseas Workers Welfare Fund (OWWA): www.owwa.gov.ph

Philippine Emerging Start-Ups Open (PESO): www.pesochallenge.org

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Philippinische Botschaft in Berlin: www.philippinischebotschaft.de

Philippinen Forum NRW: www.eine-welt-netz-nrw.de/wiki_03/doku.php?id=start

Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA): www.poea.gov.ph www.poea.gov.ph/rules/ra8042.html

Scalabrini Migration Center: www.smc.org.ph

Taglit-Birthright Israel: www.birthrightisrael.com

The World Bank: www.worldbank.org http://go.worldbank.org/KMNU73ELM0

6. Internet sources

Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbHDag-Hammarskjöld - Weg 1 – 565760 Eschborn / DeutschlandT + 49 61 96 79 - 0F + 49 61 96 79 - 11 15E info@gtz.deI www.gtz.de