Women With and Against the Mafia. A Case Study of … · Women With and Against the Mafia. A Case...

.SIAK-Journal – Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis

Martellozzo, Elena (2005):

Women With and Against the Mafia. A Case Study of Sicily

SIAK-Journal − Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis (2), 48-59.

doi: 10.7396/2005_2_D

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Martellozzo, Elena (2005). Women With and Against the Mafia. A Case Study of Sicily SIAK-Journal − Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis (2), 48-59, Online: http://dx.doi.org/10.7396/2005_2_D.

© Bundesministerium für Inneres – Sicherheitsakademie / Verlag NWV, 2005

Hinweis: Die gedruckte Ausgabe des Artikels ist in der Print-Version des SIAK-Journals im Verlag NWV (http://nwv.at) erschienen.

Online publiziert: 4/2014

Elena Martellozzo, BSc., MSc., Doctorate researcher and a visi-

ting lecturer in Criminology and

Research Methods at the

University of Westminster. MSc in

Crime, Deviance and Control from

the London School of Economics

and Political Science and worked

as a researcher for both Oxford

University and the Strategic

Research Unit at the Metropolitan

Police. Currently conducting field-

work for her PhD at New Scotland

Yard on police practice and strate-

gies for combating child abuse on

the Internet. Involved in the evalua-

tion of the Safer Surfing

Programme on behalf of the

Metropolitan Police Service,

United Kingdom.

e-mail:

[email protected]

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AUSGABE 2/2005

Women With and Against the Mafia.Elena

Martellozzo

The business of the Mafia is largelyby definition the preserve of men; menwho have displayed a remarkable talentfor cunning, cruelty, murder and may-hem. For the most part, women haveremained silent and unseen, or, as mostscholars would say, they have remained"invisible". The fact that the Mafia is asecret, criminal monosex male organi-zation is of particular importance whenstarting from a viewpoint of subjectivityand when listening to those who haveexperienced the Mafia is a known factthat only men can become part of theMafia: A man can be affiliated to theMafia, while a woman can only belongto it, in so far as she belongs to a Mafiaman. Thus, it could be argued that thethin line that both separates and distin-guishes the affiliation with the Mafiabetween man and women is the formalceremony during which each novice,strictly male, has to swear an oath offaithfulness and silence. However, thisdifferent way of been associated to theMafia is merely a formality; a formalitythat has often led the society to believethat women are extraneous to the Mafiaand unaware of the activities of theirmenfolk. It is the aim of this paper toreject this contention and to prove thatthis is a naïve and dangerous miscon-ception.

. S I A K - J O U R N A L

The Typology of Mafia Women. The mainreason why the organization rigorously ex-cludes women can be explained by thewords of the former Mafia boss AntoninoCalderone: "(…) women reason in a spe-cial way. All the women, even those mar-ried to Mafiosi or coming from Mafia fami-lies. When a woman is wounded in herdearest affections, she doesn't reason any-more. No conspiracy of silence (omertá)can resist, Cosa Nostra is not there any-more, there are no arguments or rules torestrain her (…)" (Repentant AntoninoCalderone 1996, 9). Thus, considering that

conspiracy of silence is particularly essen-tial for Cosa Nostra's endurance it is ratio-nal to think that it should be applied mainlytowards women. Repentant Calderonesupport this contention and underlines,"(…) if women know something, they willtalk. Sooner or later they will talk (…)"(Repentant Antonino Calderone 1996, 9).

Mafia men, in their rare conversations onwomen, described them as totally dedicat-ed to their families. They were portrayed asperfect mothers and obedient wives,unaware of the violent criminal activities oftheir husbands. However, these women,on occasion, also got involved, eitherbecause they found themselves caught "bychance" in some violent conflicts or be-cause unwittingly witnessed crimes orbecause, and this is the impression thatexists today, they were directly involvedthemselves. Lella Golfo explains: "For cen-turies the women of Southern Italy haveadjusted to male structural models and val-ues, believing that their role was to “sup-port” and sustain man's initiatives. The wo-man is mother, daughter, wife, lover, a sub-ject that has identified only in relation toothers and that lack autonomy. The womanprotects and covers the man, without beingconscious of her responsibility" (Golfo1993, 9).

In Sicily, as in many other regions ofItaly, there is a lot of confusion about thecriminal capacity of women. The venera-

Vocabulary:

mayhem = Körperverletzung affiliation = Zugehörigkeitextraneous = belangloscontention = Behauptungmisconception = Missverständnisconspiracy = Verschwörungendurance = Ausdauer, Durchhaltevermögenunwittingly = unabsichtlich

A Case Study of Sici ly:

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tion of motherhood makes Italians unwill-ing to think of women as capable of des-tructive or dangerous behaviour, and thisattitude has lead to a number of question-able acquittals.

When evaluating the responsibility andeffective commitment of women in Mafia-type crime, it is necessary, first of all, toclarify between the various different levelsof participation. As pointed out previously,in the Mafia the social composition of itsaffiliates is non-homogeneous; likewise thewomen we find in its sphere of influenceare extremely diverse. For this reason it isimportant to make a distinction betweenthose born and bred in Mafia families andthose who enter into relation with the Mafiaeither for temporary criminal activity or onaccount to personal relation with Mafiosi.

Cosa Nostra and the So-called "MafiaWomen". The traditional Sicilian valuesassociate women to the realm of the homeand the family excluding them categorical-ly from the inner workings of the Mafia. Atthe same time, those same values imposeon them all the restrictions of silence andloyalty, which are required of members ofthe organization. A "good" woman of theMafia is expected to dedicate her life to herfamily and especially to her husband. Inother words, her main task is to "maintainthe good image of her man by not askingquestions, keeping to herself, following himwherever he asks her to go, and above allbearing his (preferable male) children"(Fabj 1998, 193). Mafia women gain morerespect once they become mothers. How-ever, expectations become higher, in thesense that they have to transmit to theirchildren the values of the Mafia and to instilin them a deep sense of loyalty for theorganisation.

As De Pretis (De Pretis 1996) rightlypoints out, the so-called Mafia women aremembers of the organization (albeit indi-rectly), even if they have not been affiliatedwith the traditional ceremony.

Sociologist Renate Sibert supports thisargument and comments: "If the image ofwomen which the Mafia organizationsought to attribute publicly was one of sub-ordinate traditional mothers and perfectwives, all kitchen sink and church and,above all, in the dark about their menfolk'scriminal activities, the reality is very differ-ent" (Sibert 1996, 11).

Aside form her ability to bear, look afterchildren and educate them as expected, awoman's most important quality is her abil-ity to be "invisible". Liliana Madeo (Madeo1994) explains that women of Mafia boss-es are aware of the importance of discre-tion: "They have always known that theyhave been chosen as wives or partners,with the agreement of the entire Mafia fam-ily, because of their ability to be silent andnot to attract attention, to lead a private life,to not let strangers in the home, and not toassociate with people from different back-grounds" (Madeo 1994, 69). However, thisis not to say that women are unaware ofwhat happens in their family and aroundthem. There is a widespread dictum that"women don't know". According to Sibert,"this convenient subterfuge should berevised straight away" (Sibert 1996, 148). Itwould be naïve to think that women reallydo not understand what goes around themin their house and in their family if we con-sider "the comings and going of her hus-band and children, the evidence, in oneway or the other, of what they are involvedin, the amount of money circulating in thehouse" (Sibert 1996). Indeed, this con-tention is also supported by the formerMafia boss, Antonino Calderone who

Aside form her ability to bear, look

after children and educate them as

expected, a woman's most important

quality is her ability to be "invisible".

It is important to make a distinction

between those born and bred in

Mafia families and those who enter

into relation with the Mafia either

for temporary criminal activity or on

account to personal relation

with Mafiosi.

A "good" woman of the Mafia is

expected to dedicate her life to her

family and especially to her husband.


Vocabulary:

acquittal = Freispruchcommitment = Engagement, Verpflichtungsubterfuge = Ausflucht

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nomic power by proxy on temporary basis"(Sibert 1996, 11). Usually these women actas "carriers" between men on the run or inprison and members of the organizationwho can move freely in the light of the daywithout arising suspicion.

It needs to be noted that Mafia womendo not choose to be part of the organiza-tion, but enter it through birth or marriage.Antonino Calderone describes women's in-ability to decide their own destiny within theMafia culture. When explaining to hisdaughter why he decided to collaboratewith the authorities he said: "You are a biggirl now, you know who I was in Catania. Ifwe had stayed there (in Sicily) and some-one like me, a Mafioso, had asked for yourhand, I would have had to say yes ... nowyou can marry whoever you want. Youdon't have to marry a Mafioso and live onthe run, or in hiding, or constantly torturedby fear" (Calderone 1992, 293). Silence,subservience, loyalty, and even the main-tenance of the culture of vengeance arenatural consequences of fear.

Women within the Mafia. Women whoare not strictly members of the Mafia fami-ly context express a different level of com-plicity, however, providing "a cheap andeasily available criminal workforce to CosaNostra" (De Pretis 1996, 5). According toDe Pretis, "the role of these women doesnot differ so much from the role of thosepeople (males and females) who are nor-mally linked to a criminal organization" (DePretis 1996, 5). Women who participate in

The first rule, and perhaps the most

important, prohibits the members

of the organisation to inform women

about Cosa Nostra activities.

In spite of these rules, women know

about their husbands' activities

and connections.

states that it is difficult, if not impossible fora Mafioso to hide his activities from hiswife, despite of Cosa Nostra's strict rulesfor Mafiosi concerning women. The firstrule, and perhaps the most important, pro-hibits the members of the organization toinform women about Cosa Nostra activi-ties. In spite of these rules, women knowabout their husbands' activities and con-nections. Calderone states: "many Mafiawives … come from Mafioso families, havebreathed mafia air since they were born,and thus know very well how a Mafiosothinks and behaves (…). The wife herselfends up intuiting everything, and whatevershe can't figure out on her own she is toldby her friends or her sisters and sisters inlaw, who themselves are often married tomen of honour" (Repentant AntoninoCalderone 1992,165).

Therefore, they undoubtedly understandthe behaviour and the way of thinking ofthe Mafiosi; either because of their cohab-itation with them or because, when it beco-mes necessary (during the hiding or im-prisonment of their partners), they are will-ing to act as intermediaries between theorganisation and their "men of honour".These assumptions are supported by thewords of a young widow of a killed Mafio-so, Piera Aiello, who now collaborates withthe authorities: "women (…) listen to eve-rything, charge themselves with every-thing. I was like a sponge. If you ask some-thing to Mafiosi husbands they will notanswer, but if you remain calm and quitethey (…) will confess because this waythey feel important" (Aiello 1996, 9).

Among the women of Mafia families (inparticular bosses' wives) levels of complic-ity and joint responsibility are indeed veryhigh. It is sufficient to consider their roleduring the long years in which their hus-bands are on the run from the authorities1.Not only do they offer psychological andmaterial support; "through "men of straw",asset and financial management andmediation they also take control of eco-

Usually these women act as "carriers"

between men on the run or in prison

and members of the organisation who

can move freely in the light of the day

without arising suspicion.

Women who participate in Mafia's

illicit activities are usually unemployed

and live in the most deprived areas of

Sicilian cities.


Vocabulary:

honour = Ehre, guter Rufcohabitation = Kohabitation, Zusammenlebensuspicion = Verdachtsubservience = Unterwürfigkeitvengeance = Rache, Vergeltung

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Mafia's illicit activities are usually unem-ployed and live in the most deprived areasof Sicilian cities. Their involvement, in ma-ny occasions, is perceived as the onlysolution considering that they frequentlyhave many children to sustain on their ownsince their husbands are usually dead,unemployed or are serving their sentencesin prison. These types of women are quiteeasy targets for Cosa Nostra. Usually theyare contacted "through an intermediary (sothat, if captured will no be in the position totell anything about the organization) and tooffer them a relatively easy way to makemoney, selling drugs in the areas wherethey live, usually from their own homes andfrequently using their children as couriers"(De Pretis 1996, 5). These are the types ofactivities that women tend to be selectedfor. Different from men, women can movefreely in their environment without arousingsuspicions in the police.

In addition, with the growth of the inter-national drug trade (particularly towardsthe United States), which enabled the Ma-fia to expand, the organization was forcedto "employ" more workers, including wo-men. Women took advantage of prejudice:they passed unsuspected across interna-tional borders, where the presence offemale customs officers to search themwas exceptional.

It is also interesting to notice that "al-though these women are recruited primari-ly as a criminal force, they often have toaccept sexual intercourse with their refer-ents, who regard this practice as their ownright" (De Pretis 1996, 6). It can be saidthat for long time, the Italian law favouredfemale criminals and indeed their partners,albeit indirectly. For example, Mafiosi usedwomen's names to register companies,properties and bank accounts. It can beclaimed that the system worked perfectlyfor the honoured organization because"women, even wives of high-ranking Mafi-osi, were considered beyond suspicion.Since there was not legal definition of the

Mafia, there was no way of connecting abank account in a woman's name with adrug smuggling ring" (Longrigg 1997, 18).

Women and the Pentitismo Phenome-non. Until relatively recently, Mafia womenrepresented a sort of largely unexploredzone. However, the phenomenon of collab-orating with justice, more precisely Pen-titismo, has transformed this invisible veiland offered us a better understanding ofwide-ranging connections, relations, activi-ties and responsibilities. For a variety ofreasons, few women of the Mafia havechosen to abandon any relation with theorganization either by persuading theirhusbands to give evidence or by turningstate's witnesses themselves. As ValeriaFabj suggests "while at the beginning theirchoice to do so stemmed from a need toseek revenge for the death of a loved one,in time they were transformed from seek-ers of revenge to seekers of justice" (Fabj1998, 194).

Mafia Bosses' Women: Indirect Colla-boration. It seems likely that, within a con-text of unquestionable subordination, Ma-fia Bosses' women gradually assume amuch more complex role. Above all, andthis is the hypothesis that this paper is try-ing to prove, their role is active and theircomplicity very strong. As Sibert rightlysuggests: "In ethical terms the responsibil-ity they bear seems strong, very strong,sometimes on a par with that of their men"(Sibert 1996, 138).

Until relatively recently, Mafia

women represented a sort of

largely unexplored zone.

It seems likely that, within a context

of unquestionable subordination,

Mafia Bosses' women gradually

assume a much more complex role.


Vocabulary:

illicit activities = verbotene Aktivitätendeprived areas = sozial benachteiligte Gebietearousing = erwachendadvantage = Vorteilinvisible veil = unsichtbarer Schleierto abandon = aufgeben, verlassenrevenge = Rache

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Antonino Calderone in De Pretis 1996, 10).During another confession he claims: "(…)When my wife said 'I do', when we got mar-ried, she knew what she was getting into"(Calderone 1996, 149).

The role of Mafia women. As alreadypointed out, the aim of this paper wasmainly to analyse the involvement and roleof women within those criminal organiza-tions known as Mafia. The Mafia is a crim-inal organization renowned for being "fullmale chauvinists" (Pizzini-Gambetta 1999,257) where no woman has ever been ad-mitted into in. However, despite their ex-clusion, women have featured in normsupheld by this criminal group.

In order to investigate this point, I lookedat some data from various sources, focus-ing on three main areas: whether the num-ber of women involved in Mafia-type asso-ciation has increased since 1992 and thetype of offences that women are most like-ly to commit. It will also try to identify a rel-evant relationship between women's in-volvement in Mafia-type association andthe Pentitismo phenomenon. This lastpoint is of particular relevance. It is my con-tention that the Pentitismo phenomenonhas contributed to the great increase ofarrests of many Cosa Nostra's “men of ho-nour”. As a result of all these arrests (andperhaps independently, in a process of nat-ural evolution), Mafia women have startedto take charge of specific sectors of illicitactivity. The statistics provided will try tosupport such contentions.

It can be noticed that, although men arestill the major responsible for Mafia typeassociation, the 1996 parliamentary reporton organized crime, which included for thefirst time a section on women has broughtwomen's true role sharply into focus. Itrevealed that in 1990 just one woman hadbeen indicted in Italy for Mafia association;by 1995 this figure had increased to 89.However, to use a division of roles invent-ed by Alan Block, women have entered the

“Women are attracted by the Mafia.

Until they are not burned by the

sorrow, by the dreadful things that

happen in Cosa Nostra, they live well

inside it. They like the Mafiosi (…)”

(Repentant Antonino Calderone

in De Pretis 1996, 10).

Many women have persuaded their hus-bands to become collaborators of theauthorities and accepted to share withthem the difficulties arising from their seg-regated lives. Antonio Manganelli, a policeinvestigator who later became head of thespecial department for the protection ofpentiti, talks about Tommaso Buscetta2 andhis wife Cristina. The investigator has nodoubt that Cristina was responsible forBuscetta's decision to collaborate with theauthorities. He claims: "(b)ehind Buscetta,this charismatic personality, is a trulyremarkable woman. She understood thatcollaboration was the only way, she beg-ged him to do it" (Manganelli 1998, 182).

Mafia bosses' collaborations have meantsome difficult personal choices for theirwives too. However, as De Pretis correctlysuggests, Mafia women undoubtedly bene-fit from their position within the family (DePretis 1996, 10). Particularly, the women ofthe bosses participate in the high status oftheir partners and in their wealth. Thiswhole idea has been supported by the tes-timony of repentant Antonino Calderone:"(…) women live well inside the Mafia. Tobe the wife of a Mafioso means to enjoymany privileges, big and small, and it isalso, somehow, a binding thing. It can hap-pen that the woman has to decide, in someapparently harmless circumstances, on thelife of a person (…)3. Women are attractedby the Mafia. Until they are not burned bythe sorrow, by the dreadful things that hap-pen in Cosa Nostra, they live well inside it.They like the Mafiosi (…)" (Repentant


Vocabulary:

segregated life = abgeschiedenes (isoliertes)Leben

testimony = Zeugenaussageconfession = Geständnis, Beichteoffence = Straftatto indict = anklagen (indicted = angeklagt)

It can be noticed that, although men

are still the major responsible for

Mafia type association, the 1996 par-

liamentary report on organised crime,

which included for the first time a sec-

tion on women has brought women's

true role sharply into focus.

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AUSGABE 2/2005

"enterprise syndicate" but not the "powersyndicate" of organized crime (Block 2000,231). Some attention has to be drawn onthe type of crimes that Mafia women aremost likely to carry out.

Women reported for possessing and traf-ficking in drugs increased from 37 in 1994to 422 in 1995, while the number chargedwith recycling money increased from 15 to106, and women arrested for loan sharkingwent up from 119 to 421 (Parliament Re-port, Minister of Internal Affair 1996).

This figure appears to prove a radicalchange in women's role. However, it canbe argued that this unexpected increase inwomen's involvement in criminal activitieswith a men-only organization, is, perhaps,due to the fact that investigators, havingalways accepted the idea that womennever get involved, had finally begun theirmovement a little more closely. In fact,there are records of women involved inMafia crime throughout this century.

It is important to clarify that an apparent

There are many women of the

Antimafia, who have broken the

oppressive silence and denounced

the Mafia and the establishments

that support it.

relationship, between the number of ar-rests of many Mafia affiliates and the in-crease of women's participation in illicit ac-tivities, exists. As pointed out by Jamieson,"if their menfolk were arrested, (women)became vital messengers between prisonand the outside world" (Jamieson 2000,231).

The Antimafia Movement. There aremany women of the Antimafia, who havebroken the oppressive silence and de-nounced the Mafia and the establishmentsthat support it. Although their courage is


Vocabulary:

reported cases = gemeldete Fälle (Straftaten)drug trafficking = Drogenhandelloan shark = Kredithai

(Source: Ministerio di Grazia eGiustizia. Elaboration by DIA 1995)

INCIDENCE OF REPORTED CASES OF MAFIA-TYPE ASSOCIATION, 1990-95

exceptional and their motivations are dif-ferent from those of their male counter-parts, their collaboration in the fight a-gainst the Mafia deserves particular atten-tion.

Their role has changed also in thissense: they have taken a stand againsttheir own Mafia upbringing or have bravely

spoken out as witnesses, at enormous per-sonal costs. In other words, most womenwho have turned state's evidence havesuffered. The Mafia does not forgive thetraitors or their families, and so womenwere rejected by others too afraid to asso-ciate with them (see for example MichelaBuscemi, Rita Atria, Serafina Battaglia andmany others). These women's courageousinitiatives have led to the development oflocal anti-Mafia campaigns and recentmass protests, in spite of violent intimida-tion.

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The penitents' law of 1991 finally gaveMafia women the option of removing theirchildren from a culture of violence, in returnof evidence. It was also the first time wo-men were taken seriously as witnesses.Before 1991, women's testimonies, whichcontained accusations of Mafia killers,were openly rejected. After that, Mafia wi-ves who decided to come forward provedthat far from being silent victims who askedno questions, women knew a great deal a-bout the Mafia business.

Their testimonies clearly function as acall for action and provide a way to fight theMafia from within. At the same time, theyalso demonstrate that Cosa Nostra'ssilence, on which it depends for survival,can be broken reinforcing, in this way thatthe Mafia is not invincible.

A promising female Anti-Mafia drive?The Mafia is usually depicted, especiallyby the media, as a conservative, male-dominated organization, but it is probablyless backward and more flexible than therest of society would like to think andbelieve. As I have argued throughout thisarticle, women cannot be consideredextraneous to Cosa Nostra. On the con-trary, women also get involved, eitherbecause they find themselves caught "bychance" in some violent conflicts or be-cause unwittingly witness crimes or be-cause they are directly involved. As it hasbeen demonstrated in this research, onlyone woman had been indicated in Sicily forMafia association in 1990; by 1995 this fig-ure had increased to 89. In addition,

The Mafia is usually depicted,

especially by the media, as a conser-

vative, male-dominated organization,

but it is probably less backward and

more flexible than the rest of society

would like to think and believe.


Vocabulary:

traitor = Verräterintimidation = Einschüchterungaccusation = Anschuldigungen, Vorwürfeextraneous = belanglos

MAFIA WOMEN’S TYPE OF OFFENCES

(Source: Ministerio di Graziae Giustizia. Elaboration

by DIA 1995)

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women reported for possessing and traf-ficking in drugs increased from 37 in 1994to 422 in 1995, while the number chargedwith recycling money increased from 15 to106. These figures appeared to confirm afundamental change in women's role.

However, when evaluating the responsi-bility and effective commitment of womenin Mafia-type crime, it is necessary, tomake a distinction between those born andbred in Mafia families and those who enterinto relation with the Mafia either for tem-porary criminal activity or on account topersonal relation with Mafiosi. Those wo-men who enter into relation with the Mafiafor temporary criminal activities can simplybe defined as Cosa Nostra's "criminalworkforce". In these circumstances womenare denied every right or importance withinthe organization and will always be regard-ed extraneous to Cosa Nostra. Likewise,

women who are somehow linked to the"men of honour" will never be consideredmembers of the organization but partici-pate in the advantages and wealth, whichcome from Cosa Nostra.

Indeed, as De Pretis points out, "bothcases should not be interpreted as a resultof women's emancipation, or as a sort ofadmission (somehow egalitarian) of wo-men to the criminal world. Whatever theydo inside the organisation, anything canhappen only if judged to be useful or nec-

Those women who enter into relation

with the Mafia for temporary criminal

activities can simply be defined as

Cosa Nostra's "criminal workforce".

As De Pretis points out, “both cases

should not be interpreted as a result of

women's emancipation, or as a sort of

admission (somehow egalitarian) of

women to the criminal world”.


Vocabulary:

distinction = Unterschiedadmission = Aufnahme

The assassination of the public prosecutor Giovanni Falcone,

one of the most known and mostcommitted Mafia investigators.(Pictures: www.maxplanck.de,www.sperimentaleLeonardo.it)

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culture of violence. This willingness of wo-men to break the code of silence and be-come informants of the State has broughthope to Italians who are starting to believethat the Mafia is not invincible.

"The role that Cosa Nostra imposes

on women simply perpetuates

traditional roles and models,

denying to women every real power

or influence inside the organization

and particularly hindering every

possibility of achieving freedom and

equality" (De Pretis 1996, 13).

essary to Cosa Nostra" (De Pretis 1996,12).

It can be argued that their participationhighlights the presence of a crisis in thesecret organisation. That is to say, with thegreat number of arrests of the most prolificMafiosi, especially in the last decade, wo-men became vital messengers betweenprisons and the outside world and sobegun to take charge of specific sectors ofillicit activities. However, we cannot over-look the fact that the essence of Mafiacode of honour, more precisely omerta' orsilence, literally means "the ability to beman" and rigidly rejects any "femininequalities". Thus, "the role that Cosa Nostraimposes on women simply perpetuates tra-ditional roles and models, denying towomen every real power or influence in-side the organization and particularly hin-dering every possibility of achieving free-dom and equality" (De Pretis 1996, 13).

Then, we can ask ourselves "(…) whythese women do not think that the realemancipation happens exactly when theydecide to collaborate with the judicial sys-tem (…)" (Sibert 1996 in De Pretis 1996,13), when the desire for legality breakslinks and helps them to escape from theworld in which they lived before. However,this process is slowly taking place. A con-siderable part of the day-to-day anti-Mafiadrive is female. The call for action implicitin the narratives of women who have tur-ned state's evidence presents a new alter-native for Mafia women who might be disil-lusioned with the organization but whomight not know how to break away from its

The call for action implicit in the

narratives of women who have turned

state's evidence presents a new alter-

native for Mafia women who might be

disillusioned with the organization but

who might not know how to break

away from its culture of violence.


Vocabulary:

admission = Aufnahmeprolific = erfolgreichto perpetuate = aufrechterhalten, bewahrento hinder = aufhalten, behindern

The code of honour – “omertá” excludes women from Mafia

organizations in principle.

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Der Artikel untersucht die Rolle unddie Bedeutung von Frauen innerhalbder Mafia und ihr Auftreten gegen diesekriminelle Organisation.

Die geschäftlichen Aktivitäten der Ma-fia sind vorwiegend eine Sache vonMännern, die ein beachtenswertes Ta-lent für Gerissenheit, Grausamkeit,Mord und Körperverletzung entwickelthaben. Frauen blieben über lange Jahregrößtenteils unauffällig im Hintergrund,oder wie Wissenschafter sagen, sieblieben "unsichtbar". Die Tatsache,dass die Mafia eine geheime, kriminelleMännerorganisation ist, ist von Bedeu-tung, wenn man von einem subjektivenBlickpunkt ausgeht und denjenigenzuhört, die die Mafia erlebt haben. Es istein bekanntes Faktum, dass nur MännerMitglieder der Mafia werden können,Frauen werden nur durch die Bezie-hung zu einem Mann der Mafia Teil die-ser kriminellen Organisation.

Es kann angenommen werden, dassjene Grenze, die über die Zugehörigkeitvon Mann und Frau zur Mafia entschei-det, eine formelle Zeremonie ist, bei derjeder männliche Novize einen strengenEid der Treue und des Schweigens(omertá) zu schwören hat. Diese Art derUnterscheidung ist jedoch nur eineFormsache, die schon oft dazu geführthat, dass von der Gesellschaft ange-nommen wird, dass Frauen belanglosfür die Mafia seien und von den Akti-vitäten ihrer Männer nichts wüssten.Ganz im Gegenteil engagieren sichFrauen durchaus in der Mafia, entwederweil sie "zufällig" in gewaltsame Zwi-schenfälle verwickelt oder unabsicht-lich Zeugen einer Straftat wurden, oderdirekt involviert waren. Während imJahr 1990 nur eine Frau in Sizilien aufGrund von Verbindungen mit der Mafiaangeklagt wurde, stieg die Zahl imJahre 1995 bereits auf 89. Darüber hin-aus gab es einen Zuwachs bei ange-zeigten Fällen im Bereich der Drogen-

delikte (Drogenbesitz und Drogenhan-del) von 37 Fällen im Jahr 1994 auf 422Fälle im darauf folgenden Jahr. Einerheblicher Anstieg ist weiters bei derAnzahl von Verurteilungen von Frauenim Bereich der Geldwäsche festzustel-len, von 15 Fällen im Jahr 1994 auf 106im Jahre 1995. Diese Daten scheineneinen fundamentalen Wandel in derRolle der Frau zu bestätigen. Man kannsogar behaupten, dass die Teilnahmevon Frauen an den kriminellen Aktivi-täten der Mafia eine Krise in dieser ge-heimen Organisation markiert.

So wurden durch die hohe Anzahl vonVerhaftungen von äußerst erfolgreichenMafiosi besonders im letzten Jahrzehntderen Frauen zu wesentlichen Botenzwischen den Strafvollzugsanstaltenund der Außenwelt und begannen somitfür bestimmte Bereiche unerlaubterAktivitäten die Verantwortung zu über-nehmen. Jedoch darf dennoch die Tat-sache nicht übersehen werden, dassder wesentlichste Punkt des MafiaEhrenkodex, präziser "omertá” oder“Schweigen", wörtlich "die Fähigkeitein Mann zu sein" bedeutet und vehe-ment jede Art von "Mafia-Aktivitätenvon Frauen" zurückweist. "Die Rolle,die die Cosa Nostra den Frauen aufbür-det, hält einfach die traditionellenRollen und Modelle aufrecht und ver-weigert den Frauen jede Art von echterMacht oder Einfluss innerhalb derOrganisation (…)" (De Pretis 1996,12).Man muss sich laut Sibert (Sibert 1996)deshalb fragen, "(…) warum sich dieseFrauen nicht bewusst sind, dass echteEmanzipation genau dann geschieht,wenn sie sich dazu entscheiden mit derJustiz zusammen zu arbeiten (…)",dann wenn bei den Frauen das Verlan-gen nach legalen Beziehungen durch-bricht und ihnen diese Zusammenarbeithelfen kann aus der Welt, in der siezuvor gelebt haben, auszubrechen. Mandarf dabei allerdings nicht vergessen,

Frauen blieben über lange Jahre

größtenteils unauffällig im

Hintergrund, oder wie

Wissenschafter sagen, sie

blieben "unsichtbar".


dass solche Abspaltungspro-zesse langsam vor sich gehen.

Ein beachtlicher Teil der tag-täglichen Anti-Mafia-Kampagnewird dennoch schon von Frauengeprägt. Der Aufruf, gegen dieMafia und ihre Strukturen tätigund Zeugen für den Staat zu wer-den, präsentiert eine neue Alter-native für Mafia-Frauen, die nichtwissen, wie sie aus dieserGewaltkultur ausbrechen kön-nen. Diese Bereitschaft der Frau-en, den Schweigecode zu bre-chen und Informantin des Staa-tes zu werden, hat den ItalienernHoffnung gebracht und bewegtsie zu glauben, dass die Mafianicht unbesiegbar ist.

Zusammenfassung

58

AUSGABE 2/2005

Golfo, L. (1993). Donne e Mafia: L'importanza del dis-

senso [women and the Mafia: The importance of dis-

sent. Donne e Mafia: Dentro, contro, fuori, Palermo,

Italy, Fondazione Marisa Borsellino, 8-14.

Hobbs, D. (1997). Researching Serious Crime in R.

King and E. Wincup (2000) (eds.), Doing Research on

Crime and Justice, Oxford. 153-182.

Interior Ministry, Annual reports on organised crime,

1993-95.

Jamieson, A. Foreword by Luciano Voilante (2000).

The Antimafia. Italy's Fight Against Organized Crime.

Lloyd, A. (1995). Doubly Deviant, Doubly Dammed:

Society's Treatment of Violent Women, London.

Longrigg, C. (1998). Mafia Women, London.

Madeo, L. (1997). Donne di Mafia. Vittime, Complici,

Protagoniste. Milano.

Manganelli (1998) in: Longrigg, C. (1998). Mafia

Women, London.

Paoli, L. (1998). The Pentiti's Contribution to the

Conceptualisation of the Mafia Phenomenon in

Ruggiero, V. South, N. and Taylor, I. (eds) New

European Criminology, London, 264-285.

Pizzini-Gambetta, V. (1999). Gender Norms in the

Sicilian Mafia, 1945-86 in Arnot, M. L. and Usborne, C.

(eds.) Gender and Crime in Modern Europe, London,

257-276.

Puglisi, A. (1998). Donne, Mafia e Antimafia, Centro

Siciliano di Documentazione Giuseppe Impastato.

Puglisi, A. & Santino, U. (1987). Felicia Barlotta

Impastato: La Mafia in Casa mia, Palermo, La Luna.

Ruggiero, V. (1996). Organized and Corporate Crime in

Europe: Offers that can't be Refused.

Santino, U. (1990). Law Enforcement in Italy and Euro-

pe against Mafia and Organised Crime, Centro Sicilia-

no di Documentazione “Giuseppe Impastato”, Palermo.

Diese Art der Unterscheidung ist

jedoch nur eine Formsache, die schon

oft dazu geführt hat, dass von

der Gesellschaft angenommen wird,

dass Frauen belanglos für die Mafia

seien und von den Aktivitäten ihrer

Männer nichts wüssten.

Aiello, P. in: De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the

Mafia: Evolution of a Role, University of Bristol,

Language Centre.

Arlacchi, P. (1992). Gli Uomini del Disonore: La Mafia

Siciliana nella Vita del Grande Pentito Antonino

Calderone, Milan.

Arlacchi, P. (1994). Addio Cosa Nostra: I Segreti della

Mafia nella Confessione di Tommaso Buscetta, Milan.

Block, A. A. and Chambliss W. J. (eds.) (1981).

Organizing Crime, New York.

Block, A. A. (2000) in: Jamieson, A. foreword by

Luciano Voilante. The Antimafia. Italy's Fight Against

Organized Crime.

Calderone, A. (1994) in: Arlacchi, P. (1992) Gli Uomini

del Disonore: La Mafia Siciliana nella Vita del Grande

Pentito Antonino Calderone, Milan.

Calderone, A. in: De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the

Mafia: Evolution of a Role, University of Bristol,

Language Centre.

Calderone, A. in: Sibert, R. (1996). Secret of Life and

Death. Women and the Mafia, London.

De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the Mafia: Evolution

of a Role, University of Bristol, Language Centre.

Direzione Investigativa Antimafia December 1993

semi-annual report, 110.

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Italian Women Defy the Mafia. Quarterly Journal of

Speech; v84 n2,. 190-208, May 1998.

Gambetta, D. (1993). The Sicilian Mafia. The business

of Private Protection, London.

Man kann sogar behaupten, dass

die Teilnahme von Frauen an den

kriminellen Aktivitäten der Mafia

eine Krise in dieser geheimen

Organisation markiert.


Literaturhinweise

59

AUSGABE 2/2005

Sibert, R. (1996). Secret of Life and Death. Women and

the Mafia, London.

Weiterführende Literatur und Links:

http://www.narcomafie.it

http://www.ilmessaggiero.it

http://www.cronologia.it/storia/a1980a2.htm

http://www.centroimpastato.it

Bildquellen:

picture: Assassination to falcone. www.maxplanck.de

/.../paoliFalcone/Web_Zoom.jpeg, 26.04.2005.

picture: Giovanni Falcone. www.sperimentaleLeonar-

do.it/.../LA%20MAFIA.htm, 26.04.2005.

Anmerkungen:

1 The most obvious examples are those of Ninetta

Bagarella, wife of Toto' Riina, Grazia Minnit, wife of

Nitto Santapaola, murdered in a vendetta against her

husband, and Severia Benedetta Palazzolo, wife of

Bernardo Provenzano, who is still hiding. See Sibert, R.

(1996: 107-122).

2 Tommaso Buscetta, a Sicilian mafia boss, was the first

to collaborate with Public Prosecutor Giovanni Falcone.

He revealed that what was referred to, as a "set of cul-

tural attitudes and behaviours" by law enforcement

agents, was in reality a secret society named Cosa

Nostra.

3 For example, Grazia Minniti, the wife of the boss Nitto

Santapaola, later killed in the war between rival clans,

once decided to "pardon" a man who, ignoring her iden-

tity, had made her some sexual proposals. She did not

tell her husband, saving the life of the man.

Nevertheless, another Mafioso came to know, and the

man, (actually by mistake his brother) was shot in his

legs (repentant Antonino Calderone, in: De Pretis

(1996, 10).

Jedoch darf dennoch die Tatsache

nicht übersehen werden, dass der

wesentlichste Punkt des Mafia

Ehrenkodex, präziser “omertá” oder

“Schweigen”, wörtlich “die Fähigkeit

ein Mann zu sein” bedeutet und vehe-

ment jede Art von “Mafia-Aktivitäten

von Frauen” zurückweist.

Man darf dabei nicht vergessen, dass

solche Abspaltungsprozesse langsam

vor sich gehen.

Der Aufruf, gegen die Mafia und

ihre Strukturen tätig und Zeugen für

den Staat zu werden, präsentiert eine

neue Alternative für Mafia-Frauen, die

nicht wissen, wie sie aus dieser

Gewaltkultur ausbrechen können.


Literaturhinweise

Violent Mafia disputs have posed ahuge problem for security agencies inItaly for decades.

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