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    R E C O N S ID E R A T IO N

    Stefan

      Zw eig: A  Witness

    to the

      Collapse  of

      Europe

    Mordecai

      Roshwald

    S T E F A N

      Z W E I G

      (1881-1942) belongs  to the

    past—a past

     not

     distant enough

     to

     mea-

    sure

      him against th e wider setting of

    Wes te rn c iv i l i za t ion ,

      yet not

      close

    enough to be remem bered by the

     bulk

     of

    contemporary humanity.

     In

     other words,

    he

      might  have been relegated

      to  that

    blind spot of the past w hich is erased and

    forgotten.

      If

     this

      is his

      lot,

      it

      mus t

      be

    reversed. Zw eig deserves to be remem-

    bered, reconsidered—not only  for his

    sake,

     but

     also

     for the

     benefit of

     the

      present

    and  future  generations.

    Zweig

      could

      be

      best

      described

      as a

    man of letters in the broad and

     compre-

    hensive  sense,  wha t  is  nowadays con-

    veyed

     by a less

     felicitous term,

     a "gener-

    alist.

    His  w ri tings,

     diverse

     in both  form

    and

      theme, include poetry, numerous

    novellas, a major novel, studies

     of

     h istori-

    cal

     figures (literary

     and otherwise), drama.

    T he topics range from anonym ous "little"

    m en

     to

      individuals

     who

     shaped history.

    His writings encom pass real persons and

    situations,

      and

      ima ginary stories pre-

    sented in a realistic way. He reprodu ced

    in

     a polished literary form exotic legends,

    and described  in a vivid mann er his own

    life

      and

      t ime.

      I t

      could

      be

      said that

      h e

    followed  the adage  nihi l  humani mihi

    al ienum.

    M O R D E C A I R O S H W A L D

     taught fo r twen ty-five  years

    at the

      Universi ty

     o f

      Minneso ta .

    He

     was not a

      lonely hum anist wri ter

    struggling

      for

     acceptance

      and

      recogni-

    tion  in an alien world. Zw eig was a suc-

    cessful

      and

     po pular w riter ever since,

     a t

    the age of nineteen, he started contr ibut-

    ing

     to the prestigious V iennese paper, the

    Neue

     Freie Presse .

     His books were selling

    very well in the  German-speaking coun-

    tries,  as  well as in  translations  in  some

    forty  languages. His dramas we re pro-

    duced in leading

     theaters

     and some of his

    stories were made into films. He could

     live

    quite well

     on his

      royalties

      and

      reap

      th e

    fruits of his literary

     success.

     Indeed, to a

    degree,

     he did

     t ha t .

    Yet it is not ou t o f a

     happy

     life

     that m ost

    literary achievements are  forged.  For,

    despite the

     initial idyllic conditions, there

    are elemen ts

     of

     deep

     sadness

     and t ragedy

    in  Zweig's subsequent times

      and  life,

    which

     found

     their

     expression in

     h is liter-

    ary   w ork—w h e th e r

      fictional,

      semi-fic-

    tional, or autobiograph ical. I t is th is paint-

    ing  in ch iaroscuro—all  too  often  more

    oscuro t han

     chiaro,

     the dark ness prevail-

    ing  over  l igh t—tha t  lends weight  to

    Zweig's

      legacy.

    His self-percept ion was a composite

     of

    various

     elements.

     He was born in

     Vienna,

    at that t ime the capital of the Austro-

    Hungarian  Empire;  h is  mother tongue,

    which

      h e

      cultivated

      and in

      which

      h e

    wrote, was Germ an. Th is

     made

     h im a "citi-

    zen"—a

     cul tural citizen—of t h e  German-

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    speaking world.  Being

      a

      native

      of the

    Austro-Hungarian

     E mpire, and thus a sub-

    ject  of the  Emperor ,  h e  owed political

    allegiance

     to the multi-national state.

     T his,

    at

     least

     in his

     case,

     was not a

     me re legal

    technicali ty.

     For

     Zweig,  like many

     other

    loyal subjects, was attached and devoted

    to the

      peculiar political entity, consist-

    ing  of

      many national-ethnic

      elements:

    G e r m a n s ,

      I t a l i a n s , C z e c h s ,  Poles,

    Ruthenians ,

     C roats, Hu ngarians, Slovaks.

    Th i s e thnic me lange added a distinctive

    flavor

      to

      Zw eig's national aw areness.

      I t

    differed

      from

      German, French, or I tal ian

    nationalism,

     in th at i t was

     based

      on eth-

    nic  pluralism . Zweig and many others saw

    this

     as a

     distinction

     and a

     privilege.

     For

    th e

      diversity

      of

     e thn ic

     and

      cultural ele-

    ments

     created—or

     we re believed

     to

      cre-

    ate— an essentially tolerant and easygo-

    ing  nationalism, a  collective awareness

    benefi t t ing

      from  the

      diversity

      of

     dispar-

    ate cultures that st imulat ed each other. It

    is this

     mult icul tural

     am bience wh ich con-

    tr ibuted

      to

     Zweig's self-awareness

      as a

    European,

     as a

     member

     of a

     polity

     of the

    advanced and advancing civilization , the

    spearhead

      of

     h u m a n progress. T h e n

      he

    was

     born into

     a

     well-to-do Jew ish

     family.

    Al though  h is

      family

      w as

      rather assimi-

    lated and he had little Jewish e ducation ,

    he was  aware of his

     roots,

     and  proudly

    acknowledged them.

    T he

      various components

      of

     Zweig's

    affiliation

      and

     identi ty

     did no t create any

    conflicts of

     loyalty. T he diverse elements

    blended harmoniously  and  Zweig, like

    many others, felt such belonging to  differ-

    ent "republics" of h um anit y to be an as-

    set—cultural,

     social, h um an . T his convic-

    tion could th rive

     in

     Vienna,

     th e

     capital

     of

    the

     E mpi re,

     its

     vibrant cu ltural center,

     a

    place of intellectual and artistic ferment,

    a

      city which could claim

     to be

     all-E uro-

    pean m ore tha n any other capital in E u-

    rope. T hus,

     to

     Z weig's m any loyalties

     one

    should add his Viennese local patriot ism,

    which

     he

     eagerly

     expressed.

    Zweig

     was  born into an

      affluent,

      re-

    spected,  and  enlightened

      family,

     wh ich

    facilitated

      his

      education

      and respected

    his  intellectual inclinations. There

     was

    no

     pressure to steer him

     into

     the

      direc-

    t ion

     of a

     practical career.

      He

     could

      follow

    h is interests and

      study philosophy

     and

    history, rather th an law or medicine, and

    engage

     in

     literary

     ventures.

     T h is freedom

    did not  spoil  the

      young man,

      for he

    plunged

      into an energetic

      life

      of literary

    activity and remained a diligent and  pro-

    ductive wri ter throughout  h is  life—in

    happy times

      and in

      periods

      of

      utmost

    depression.

    T he outset

     of Zw eig's life, prior

     to

     W orld

    War I, promised  a  l i f e   of prosperi ty  and

    fulfilment

      in an era of

     consistent h um an

    progress.

     Zweig describes th is

     era in one

    of his  last books,  The

      World

      of Yesterday.

    T he

     o riginal title

     Die  Welt  von

      Gestern

     is

    significantly  complemented by the sub-

    title

     Erinnerungen e ine s

     E uropders  [Remi-

    niscences

      of

      a European] .  T he  book  is a

    remarkable autobiography

     of the

     wri ter

    and his time: the personal and the h istori-

    cal are

      inextricably linked.

    The years

     preceding

     the

     Great

     War are

    described by

     Zweig

     as the age otSicherheit,

    which

     means both certainty and security.

    T h e sense of securi ty was boun d with the

    trus t

      in stability—political,

      economic,

    social. Personal  life

     was

     carefully planned

    and  proceeded

      according  to  pre-deter-

    mined

      goals concerning personal

      ad-

    vancement, income

      and

      expendi ture ,

    holidays and the  like. I nsurance guaran-

    teed the future.

     Mo reover,

     there was

     trust

    in

     scientific

      and

      technological progress,

    and thus the

     future

     looked brigh ter than

    the

     present . S ocial progress

     was

     advanc-

    ing at its own

     pace

     and ever wide r circles

    of

     society

      were gradually encompassed

    in political

     and

     personal

     benefits. Earlier

    times, replete

      with

     wars

      and

      conflicts,

    were

     regarded

     as m anifest ation s of bar-

    barism, never  to  recur. It is against  the

    background of such inveterate optim ism

    that  the  subsequent disi l lusionments

    have to be

     measured. Indeed, writing

     from

     6

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    th e  depth of d i senchan tment , Zweig ad-

    mits

     not to have  completely

      discarded

    the

      trust developed

      in the

      t imes

      of his

    ch i ldhood:

    Even  from  the

      abyss

      of ho rror,  in w h i c h

    today we grope aroun d,  half-blind  wi th a

    disturbed

      an d

      broken soul,

      I

     always look

    again  to those old

      images

      of stars

     w h i c h

    glistened over my childh ood, and console

    myself with th e inher i ted confidence,  tha t

    this

     relapse will

     appear at

     one tim e merely

     as

    an

      interval  in the  e ternal rhythm  of the

    onward

     march.

    1

    World

     War

     I,

     or, as it was

     called prior

     to

    its sequel, the Great War, was atraumatic

    awakening from  the  blissful dream of the

    turn of th e nineteenth century. Th e

     initial

    public enthusiasm for the war and its

    "just cause," by wh ich Zweig himself w as

    swept, was

      followed

     by the  carnage  on

    th e battlefields, th e misery and  suffering

    of  th e  population in the  regions pillaged

    by the

     R ussian invaders,

     and the

     conse-

    quent shock. Zweig turned into

     an

     oppo-

    nent o f war, along wit h h is French  friend

    and

     famous

     w riter, R omain Rolland

     (1866-

    1944).

     War was recognized as a reversal of

    civilization,

     as the  enemy of progress, of

    humanity,

     of

     th e basic creed of an enligh t-

    ened E urope.

     A s the

      carnage went

     on , it

    seemed  as  if the world, as Zw eig knew it

    and  identified  with it, disintegrated and

    collapsed.

      A nd

     wi th

     t he

      downfall

      of the

    world,

     h is world, Zw eig himself, as a wri ter

    and

     ah um an being, was deeply wounded.

    He  lost what by now appeared  to  have

    been h is  innocent beliefs, as did many of

    h is

      contem poraries. He could not any-

    more see the world as it had appeared to

    be

     before

     th e

     great calamity.

     T h e

     beauti-

    f u l ,

      ha rmon i ous , p r ed i c t ab l e wor l d

    changed into an indescribable horror.

    I f ,

     gradually,

     th e

     horror

     somewhat

     sub-

    sided in the post-war years, and a streak of

    optimism

     asserted

     itself

      in

     Zweig's over-

    all disposition, a new blow cam e

     from

      an

    unexpected source. It was the rising to

    power o f

     Hitler

     and h is N azi Party in Ger-

    many.

     Zw eig

     w as

      affected

      by it also  in a

    personal w ay, wh en  his  books  were

    burned ,

     together w ith th e works of other

    "undesirable" writers,  in

      Berlin

      in May

    1933.

      He

      was,

      of

      course, guilty

      of two

    cardinal  sins. One, that  being a Jew, he

    polluted

     th e Germ an culture by w ri t ing in

    German.

     T he

     obvious means

     of

      preserv-

    in g  th e  pur i ty of the  Teutonic creation

    and spirit was to ban Jewish books

      from

    German  readership.  The  other  sin was

    having been bo rn a Jew, wh ich was to be

    punished

      by the

      murder

      of

      millions

     of

    Zweig's kinsm en some

     years

     later.

     Merci-

    fully,

     he did not

     live

     to witness that stage

    of horror.

    T he  banning of  Zweig's books  from

    Germany h u r t him deeply. H e was cut off

    from

     h is main readership at the peak of h is

    success.

     His

     role

     as a

     wri ter ,

     his

     raison

    d'etre, the

     justification

     of h is existence as

    he saw it, was u nderm ined. For he took his

    writing seriously.

     It was the

      expression

     of

    his

     p ersonality,

     it was the

     extension

     of

     h is

    self. Th ough

     the

     translations

     of h is

     books

    were not affected, it was the German origi-

    nal w hich secured

      the

      intimate contact

    with  th e  readers—mostly  Germans. He

    was condem ned to exile from h is cul tura l

    milieu.

    T hen came a  fur ther  blow that swept

    th e  ground

     from

      unde r t he

      feet

      of Zw eig

    and the

      Jews

     of

     A ustria,

     in a

     more basic,

    elemental way. It was the A nschluss,  the

    annexation

     of A ustria by N azi Germanyin

    1938.  A  year later E urope plun ged into

    World War II. T hese dramatic stages of

    seemingly unavoidable catastrophe had

    a cataclysmic imp act on Zweig, as is m ani-

    fest

     from

     his work s at the tim e, as well as

    from  his  correspondence.

      Indeed,

      the

    external  events  played havoc with his

    mind

     and

      eventually

     led to h is

     suicide.

    Zweig

      sums up his life-experience in

    th e  Preface to  The

      World

      o f  Yesterday—

    h is  personal tragedy

      and the

      tragedy

     of

    his generation.

     He

     points

     out the

      extraor-

    dinary  burden allotted

      to him and his

    contemporaries by history.  Like  a con-

    Modem Age

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    t inuous

     volcanic eruption,

     th e

     political

    upheavals  of Europe unsettled them  in

    thei r innermost being. A s he puts it, "as an

    Austrian,

     as

     aJew,

     as

     awriter,

     as

     ahuman-

    ist and a

     pacifist,

      I

     have always been stand-

    ing

      right there where

     t h e

      earth-quakes

    were

     the

     fiercest. Three times they have

    overthrown

     my home and

     existence, sev-

    ered  m e  from everything that once  had

    been

      and was

     gone,

      and  with

      dramatic

    force thrown

      m e

     into

      th e

     void, into

      th e

    already familiar  I

     know not

     what.'

    2

     A t t he

    t ime

     of

     writ ing these words  Zweig could

    not

     know

     the

     degree

     o f

     depravity

     of

     N azi

    Germany

     and the

     depth

     of misery which

     it

    was to inflict on

     millions

     wh o were at the

    very crater

     of

     the volcano. Thus, h is plight

    was almost benign by comparison. None-

    theless,  it was real, felt acutely,  and ex-

    pressed  vividly—both

      in

      direct  state-

    ments

     and in

     fiction.

     O ne

     does

     not

     have

     to

    descend into th e  lowest levels  of the  in -

    ferno

      in order  to

     sense

     the  misery,  the

    plight,

     the

     estrangement. Indeed,

     at the

    lowest levels

     one may be

     past

     the

     capac-

    ity

      of intellectual reflection  and  cogent

    argument.

    The

     contrast between the past and the

    present, revealed

      in

      Zweig's personal

    plight ,  is

      drawn

      in

      clear

      and

      decisive

    strokes:

      was

      born

      in

      1881

      in a

     great

      and

      mighty

    Empire,

     in the

     Hapsburg

     m onarchy...: it h as

    been wiped

     ou t

     without

     a

     trace.

     I grew up in

    Vienna, the

     two-thousand-year-old super-

    national

     metropolis, and had to leave it like

    a  criminal,  before  it was degraded  to a

    German

     provincial city.

     My

     literary work,

     in

    th e

     language

     1

     wrote

     it, was

     burned

     to ashes

    in th e very land where m y books had made

    friends of

     millions

     of readers. Thus I belong

    nowhere anymore—a stranger everywhere,

    a guest at

     best. M oreover, Europe,

     the

     home-

    land

     that

     is my

     heart's

     choice,

     is

     lost

     to me,

    ever since

     it fo r the

     second time suicidally

    tore itself to pieces

     in

     a fraternal war. Against

    my

     will,

      1  have become

     a

     witness to

     the

     most

    terrible

     defeat of reason  and the  wildest

    triumph of brutality in the ch ronicle of

     times .

    3

    Zweig

     expresses h is

     pain

     and

     despair

    not only in general terms, and not merely

    in

     presenting his own plight. He

     also

     ad-

    dresses the misfortunes of

     other

     individu-

    a l s—hun ted ,  denigrated, persecuted.

    Here is his description of

     scenes

     in

     Vienna,

    following  th e

      annexation

      by the

     Nazis:

    "Now it was not merely

     thef t

     and plunder,

    but

      every private lust

      for

     revenge

      was

    given

     free rein.

     University professors

     had

    to scrub the streets with bare hands, pi-

    ous grey-bearded Jews were dragged into

    the temple and forced by hooting youths

    to

      kneel

      and to

      shout

      in

      unison

      'Heil

    Hitler.'

     Innocent

      people

     were

      hounded

    like

     rabbits.... If

     before this

      new

     regime

    the murder of a single man would shock

    the world, now a single

     man

     did not count

    at

      all.

    4

    Zweig's  heart went out to the down-

    trodden  and  persecuted Jews, his  kins-

    men, but his

     sympathy

     was

     also extended

    to

     human beings

     as

     such. Thus

     he

     writes

    in

      one of his  letters: People speak  so

    lightly of bombardment, but when I read

    of  houses  collapsing,  I  collapse with

    them.

    5

    I f  one may be  tempted  to  speculate

    that it was th e horror of the N azi conduct

    and of World War II

     that

     awakened  the

    humane sentiments  of

      Zweig,

      his own

    testimony shows that

     he was

     moved

      to

    such compassion much earlier,  by wit-

    nessing human

     suffering

      in

     World

     War I.

    Referring

     to his experiences  in the Great

    War, he writes: Today I know: without all

    that I

     suffered

     then

     during

     the

     war,

     through

    feelings

     of participation and anticipation

    [mitfiihlend,  vorausfiihlend],  I would have

    remained

     th e writer  had been

     before

      the

    war,  'pleasantly  moved'  [angenehm

    bewegt],...

     bu t never seized, grasped, hit in

    my bowels....  In

     trying

     to

     help others,

      I

    have helped

      myself."

    6

     Much

     as

     Zweig

     ap-

    preciated

      the

      self-contained domain

     of

    aesthetics, his overriding passion became

    the wish to help humanity. As he wrote to

    Remain Rolland in 1918: "M y aim would

    be one day to become not a great critic or

    362

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    a

      literary celebrity

      but a

      moral author-

    ity."

    7

    Compassion

      and

      moral commitment

    are cha racteristic of Zw eig's Jewish con-

    t e m p o r a r y w r i t e r s ,

      such  as

      A r t h u r

    Schnitzler, Franz Werfel, Josef R oth , Jakob

    Wassermann,

     and, in a more veiled m an-

    ner,

      Franz K afka. T his penchant

     may have

    been  linked to Jewish trad ition and

     even

    to the

     m oral exhortations  of

     th e

     B ible

     and

    the impassioned appeals

     of

     th e Prophets.

    Zweig's

     mora l comm i tment

     and

     sense

    of compassion  are reflected in many of his

    wr i t ings ,

      notably in his only novel,

    UngedulddesHerzens, or Beware  ofPityin

    th e

      English

      translation. Indeed, Zweig

    offers  a philosophical description of the

    meaning

     of

     compassion, as a mot to to his

    book.

     It

     succinctly sum s

     up

     wha t

     is

     elabo-

    rated in the story, as in his many other

    writings.

    For

     there

     are two

     kinds

     of

     compassion. O ne,

    the weak-spirited and sentimental, wh ich is

    really only impatience

     of

     the

     heart

     to get rid

    as

      fast

      as

      possible

      of the  painful

      involve-

    ment

      in an  alien calamity, a  compassion

    which  is not co mpassion at all, but an in-

    stinctive defence

     of

     one's own soul

     from  th e

    alien suffering. A nd the

     other one,

     th e

     only

    one that counts— the unsentimenta l , but

    creative compassion, that knows what

      it

    wants,

     and is determined patiently and com-

    passionately

      to

     endure

     it all to th e  limit of

    one's

     capacity,

     and

     even beyond

      it .

    8

    Yet,

      wit h all the compassion and all the

    mo ral fervor, Zw eig did not delude h im-

    self as to the  power  of the  commi tment ,

    th e

     good will,

     th e

     printed word,

     th e

     logos,

    the

      idea,

     to

     co nfron t reality

     and

     shape

     it

    effectively. He was far

     from

     being the op-

    t imis t who decides on the strength of his

    good intentions  that  reality must con-

    form

     to the demands of mo rality and  rea-

    son.

      I f

     anything,

     he was

     more easily swayed

    to  pessimism  and  despair than  to  opti-

    mism  and hope. This is reflected in an

    indirect mann er

     by an aside on the

     nature

    of

     the chess game. It

     appears

     in one of his

    last writing s,

     a

     novella wh ich

     is perhaps

    his

      best,  D ie Schachnovelle

      [in

     E nglish

    The

     Royal Game] .

    We

      need not, in the

     present

      context,

    outl ine

      the

      story,

      which takes

      place

    against

      the

      background

      of the

      Nazi take-

    over of A ustria

     and

     the m ethods employed

    by the

     N azi s

     to

      attain their objectives—

    also in respect of a C ath olic lawyer, as in

    this case.

     The

     to t ter ing

     and the

      collapse

    of

      civilization inform  th e

     story

     th rough-

    out. T h e setting is one often  encountered

    in the novels of Grah am Greene. What w e

    want

      to

      highl ight

     is a

      detached, philo-

    soph ical analysis

     of

     chess

     game by

     Zweig

    which

     has

     implications for—indeed sym-

    bolizes—his

     vision of the  hu man condi-

    t ion,  or the  precarious  situation of hu-

    mani ty wi th

     respect

     to reality.

    I

     knew

     from m y own

      experience about

      the

    mysterious attraction

      of the

     "royal game,"

    the only game invented by man, wh ich in a

    sovereign manner

      places  itself

      outside

    [entzieht  sich]  the  tyranny of chance  an d

    accords its laurels to the s pirit

     only....

     I s it

    not also a science

      [Wissenschaft],

      an art

    [Kunst],  a  unique  tie  [Bindung]  of  oppo-

    sites; very old and yet eternally new, me-

    chanical

      in its

      arrangement

      and  effective

    only th rough

     imagination,

     limited in a geo-

    metrically

     rigid

     space,

     and

     ye t limitless in its

    combinations, always developing

     and yet

    sterile,

      a

      kind

      of

     th ink ing w hich leads

      to

    nothing,  a mathematics which calculates

    nothing,

     an art wi thout work s...and

     none-

    theless

      proved

      to be

      longer lasting

     in its

    being and presence

     [Sein

     undDasein]

      than

    al l

     the books and works, the only

     game

     that

    belongs to al l thenations and all th e times....

    9

    Zweig's atti tude  to chess is palpably

    ambivalent:

     he

      admires

      its

      universality

    and timelessness,

     but

     deplores

     that this

    self-contained perfection

     is

     impo tent

      to

    affect

      life,

     to be a force for the good. T his

    appears to be a

     complaint about

     the

     sepa-

    ration between logic and

     reality,

     between

    logos and

      life,

     between  th e world of

     ideas

    and the lot of man. U ltimately, Zweig may

    well express

     here

      th e  frus tra t ion of the

    men of  spi r it— wh ether phi losophers ,

    Modern  Age

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    writers, or

     other  individuals bent

     on do-

    in g

      good—in

     being unable

     to

      affect

      th e

    condition of

     humanity

     and to

     avert

      the

    self-imposed

     calamities.

    W as

     there

     any

     domain

     in

     which

     Zweig

    could

     have

     found

     anchor?

     W as

     there

     any

    belief wh ich

     could

     offer h im a refuge from

    the despair of an open-eyed idealist, striv-

    in g

      for good  and  reason  and  facing

      evil

    and

      madness? Conceivably,

     h is

     Jewish

    roots  and

      affiliation  might have

      offered

    h im support

     and a spiri tual way out

     of

     th e

    despair, if not a physical refuge. Looking

    into his

     w rit ings,

     such

     an

     eventuality can-

    not be

      ruled out. There

      is an

     explicit

    t es t imony  as to his Jewish conscious-

    ness, stated in an

     interview

     in 1931:

      Al-

    t hough

      I do not come  from  a rigorously

    Jewish

      family,

      I have been vitally inter-

    ested

      in

     Jewish problems

     all my  life, vi-

    tally

     aware

     of the

     Jewish blood that

      is in

    me,

     ever since

     I

     have been conscious

     of

    it."

    10

    There  is a  clear element  of pride  in

    Zweig's Jewish consciousness, when he

    describes  his own Viennese Jewish mi-

    lieu, and expands his comments to Jews

    in

     general.

     T h e

     Jewish, seemingly bour-

    geois, notion of the  good  family"  [gute

    Familie],

     he

     writes,

     is not to be  confused

    with

     thequesttoberich, usually

     regarded

    as the typical aim of the Jew.

    Nothing is fur ther

      from

      th e

     truth

     [asserts

    Zweig]. [Riches

     are

     only]

     a

     means

     to the

     true

    aim....

      T he essential wish of the  Jew, h is

    imm anent ideal, is the ascent into th e spiri-

    tual, onto a

     higher

     cultural

     stratum. A lready

    in

     t h e

     eastern orthodox

     Judaism...this su-

    premacy

     of the will to the spiritual

     over

      the

    merely material

     f inds  a

     concrete expres-

    sion:

     the

     devout,

     the biblical

     scholar,

     is a

    thousand times more esteemed

      in the

     com-

    munity

     than

     th e

     rich man.

    Thus, the

      poorest peddler

     will

     spare

     no

    effort  and

     sacrifice

     to

     enable

     at

     least

     one

    son to

     pursue higher studies,

     and a

     family

    will

     pride itself  if it can  claim  a connec-

    t ion

      to a  scholar,  a professor,  a musi-

    cian—a man of higher culture.

    Zweig delves deeper into Judaism

     in

    h is

     poetical

     drama Jeremias  [Jeremiah],

    wri t ten  in

      1915-1917

     during the

      painful

    experience  of the  Great War.  t was a

    pacifist response

     to the ongoing slaugh-

    ter, and, at the same  t ime, an attempt to

    deal with the distinct

     plight

     of the Jews.

    But Z weig

     also attempts

     to  find  a

     univer-

    sal answer and consolation in the pro-

    phet ic

     message, or in the message as he

    understands

     it.

    One issue which Zweig  raises  is the

    perennial

      problem

      of the

      relationship

    between

     Might and R ight . T h e

     answer

     he

    offers  accords with t h e prophetic mes-

    sage and

     with Judaism

     at

     large.

     The

     claim

    of  Might to

     control human destiny

     is de-

    nied

     in the

     name

     of the

     ru le of

     God and the

    principles

     of R igh t and divine justice. In

    th e drama, Jeremiah after the fall

     of

     Jerusa-

    lem

      is

      offered

      a

      position

      of

     honor

      and

    privilege

     by the

      victorious Babylonian

    ruler,

     in

     recognition

     of the prophet's o p-

    position to Israel's revolt and his predic-

    tion

      of the

      disaster

      to  follow.

     Jeremiah

    spurns the king's offer as conveyed by his

    messengers.

     He does so out of

     commisera-

    tion wi th

     his

     people's lot,

     and

     because

     he

    disdains

     the

     Babylonian king's ruthless-

    ness  and  cruelty: "I shall not  enter  the

    palace, in which the

     steps

     are scrubbed

    by the  daughters  of my master, turned

    into servants.... 1 do not want favour  from

    th e  cruel,  nor  mercy  from  th e  merci-

    less....

    12

      The  messengers' outrage  at

    Jeremiah's defiance of the

      "king

     of kings

    meets

     with a  scornful comment on the

    evanescence

      of h u m a n migh t and its

     car-

    rier, the king:

      Who

     is he

     that

     1

     ought

     to be

    afraid

      of him?... Is he not a

     human worm

    and

     does

     not death wait behind his sleep

    and decay  in h is body?"

    13

     Moreover, t he

    king  is

     evil

      and

      retribution awaits him:

    "Greatly has he

     enslaved Israel,

     but he will

    be

     enslaved sevenfold....

     Woe to the

     con-

    founder  [Verstorer],

      for he  will  be  con-

    founded, and woe to the plunderer, fo r he

    will be  plundered "

    14

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    Yet,

     how does  this defiance o f migh t

    and

     punishm ent of

     the

     mighty

     and

     wicked

    console th e

      victims

      of

     iniquity

     and

      cru-

    elty?

     H ow does the

      eventual  downfall

     of

    ambit ious

     kings

     and tyrants

     resolve

     the

    problem

      of suffering  on the  part  of the

    vanquished? What  is the  prophecy  of

    consolation

      fo r

     Israel

     and

     for

     the meek of

    the

     earth? Here Zw eig

     resorts to the

      idea

    that there is some meaning in   suffering.

    For Israel, the people of God, becomes

    aware of Him only in the  depth  of  suffer-

    ing  [ erst in der  Tiefe  des Leidens

      werden

    wirseinergewahr ] .

     "Whom

     He

     loves,

     h im

    He

     pushes

     down into th e

     depths

     of life."

    [

      W en er

      liebt,

      den  stosst er hinab  in die

    Tiefe

      de s

      Lebens. ]

    K

      Thus ,

      the

      conclu-

    sion

     is to

     submit

     to the

     suffering

     and see

    in  it

      redemption:

    Suffering  is a test and test is an elevation,

    Humiliation brings us close to God,

    Every  f a l l

     brings

     us

     higher into

     His

     domains,

    For

     only

     the

     vanquished know about

     Him.

    16

    [Leiden  istPrufung  un d

     Prilfung

      Erhebung,

    Erniedrigung

      ma c h t un s

     go t t e snah ,

    JederSturz

      ftihrt hoher in se ine Reiche

    D e n n  n ur die Besiegten w issen urn ihn . ]

    While

     the

     Might-Right

     issue is

     tackled

    in

     the Israelite-proph etic

     spirit,

     the praise

    of

     suffering

      and its

     religious

     justif ication

    is closer

     to the spiri t of C hristiani ty. T hat

    Zweig resorts to such an answer may well

    be due to his

     despairing

     of the

      resolution

    of the M ight-R ight issue  in a  satisfactory

    way.

     Yet it is

     noteworthy th at Zweig sug-

    gests

     a Zionist interpretation  and

     solu-

    tion

      of the

      Jewish predicament

      in an in-

    vented legend, which

      h e

      publ ished

      in

    1937,entitledDer6egra6eneLeuc/iter/T/ie

    Buried  Candelabrum].

    T he s tory itself need not concern  us—

    only

     its

     symbo lical

     message. It

     revolves

    round

      the

      golden

      Menorah  (candela-

    brum), part

      of the

      R oman loot

      from  th e

    Temple

     in

     Jerusalem.

      T he M e n o ra h

     sym-

    bolizes the Jewish

      faith

      and

     hope

     and is

    pursued with devotion

     by

     Jews

     who

     want

    to

     protect

     it from alien looters, after R ome

    itself  became

      th e

      victim

     o f

     conquest

      by

    the Vandals. Ultim ately the   M e n o ra h is

    buried in the land of Israel, aw aiting th ere

    the national redemption. That i t is the

    candelabrum,

     th e

     carrier

     of

     eternal ligh t,

    that is buried underground, may have a

    symbolical mean ing: he Jewish  light, and

    hope, is buried in the earth , awaiting the

    moment

      of the

      return

      of the

      people

      to

    th eir land, wh en  the  M e n o ra h will be lit

    again and the

      suffering

      of the

      people

    ended.

    Yet  Zw eig

     does

     not leave th e m eaning

    hidden, invi ting

     the reader's

      interpreta-

    tion.

     The story conveys the message in a

    dream

      of the

      protagonist,

      an old man

    totally comm it ted

     from

     ch ildhoo d to the

    preservation  of the  holy object.  In his

    dream

     he

     sees

     a

     large gro aning crowd,

     an

    entire people, on the march   from  time

    immemorial. He

     murmurs

     to

     h imself:" 'N o

    one should be kept

     [wandering]

      like

     this....

    N o  people

      can

      continue

     to

      live wit h out

    home an d w ith out goal... . A  l ight m ust be

    kindled

     for

     them....'

     

    n

     A nd, indeed,

     at the

    conclusion

      of the

      dream,

      he

      sees

      the

    wandering

     people

     at

     rest

     in

     a land  f r u i t f u l

    and

     peaceful, a land of vineyards,

     fields of

    grain and

      flowers. "N ow

     th e

      Lampstand

    rose

     h igher

      in the sky and shone

      more

    gloriously.

     It s

     lights

     were

     like

     the

      light

     of

    the sun, il luminating sky and land to th e

    very

     h orizon."

    18

    In  this

     story

     Zw eig seems to

      identify

    with

      traditional orthodox Judaism, see-

    ing

     the

     exile

     as a

     catastrophe

     and

     hoping

    for

      a

      messianic delivery. There

     is no re-

    demption outside

      the

      land

      of

      Israel,

      in

    the

     diaspora.

     The

     calamity

     is the conse-

    quence  of the alienation of the people

    from

      their land. By the

     same

     token,  the

    story

     conveys

      the

     Zionist

     message:

     only

    by

     returning

     to the

     land

     of

     Israel

     and re-

    establishing

     there  a

      normal

      life,  tilling

    th e

      ancestral land,

     will  th e

      plight

     of the

    Jews

     come

     to an

     end,

     a

     happy end. Zweig

    Modern  Age 365

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    m ay not have embraced  the  Zionist, let

    alone

      th e

      traditional-orthodox,  belief

    wholeheartedly. Yet, the fact that he

     chose

    to

     write this story

     at one o f the

      darkest

    hours of his and of European Jewry's life,

    indicates that he looked for a message of

    consolation

     in

     Judaism. There seemed

     to

    be no

      glimmer

      of hope  for his Austrian

    and European allegiance in  1937; Juda-

    ism,

     with its long experience of gloom and

    doom—and, at the

     same time, of resilience

    and

      survival—extended

      a

      helpful

      hand,

    which

     Zweig

     grasped

      in

     desperation.

    Yet

     Zweig

     was neither an orthodox Jew

    nor a committed Zionist. H is ties with h is

    Jewish heritage were

     not

     strong enough

    to counter  h is despair  of the European

    world, which was the air he breathed.

    Also th e reality of the military success of

    Nazi

      Germany

     and all it

      meant

      for the

    future of

     E urope—physically

     and

     spiritu-

    ally—could not be erased  by any  senti-

    ment

     or

     yearning.

     The

     world—h is world—

    was

     collapsing.

    Zweig remained well-to-do and was not

    in

      personal danger, having escaped  to

    England, and

     subsequently moved

     to

     Bra-

    zil, where h e was held in high regard  and

    where he wrote a book about that coun-

    try.

     Y et the  life  of a

     refugee

     who

     lost

      h is

    spiri tual anchor, who was torn out of his

    world, whose past

     was erased and

     whose

    future w as all but  hopeless, seemed  de-

    prived

      of any

     worth.

      As he put it to a

    friend:  What sense is there in

     living

     on as

    one's own

     shadow?

    19

    A s

     Zweig

     was approaching h is sixtieth

    birthday, his resigned and dejected mood

    grew ever stronger.

     While

     in good physi-

    cal

     health,

     he

     suffered  from

     the

     sickness

    of  the age and of the  calamity which

    seemed  to  loom larger by the  day. The

    horrors of war, the great advancement of

    the German armies into Russia, and the

    fall

     o f

     Singapore

     at the

     hands

     of the

     Japa-

    nese army—all seemed to point to a likely

    victory of the  Axis powers. A nd so,  after

    his

     sixtieth birthday,

     he

     committed sui-

    cide, jointly with h is wife, in their home in

    Petropolis, B razil. In a letter h e

     left,

     dated

    February

     22,1942, he

     refers

     to

      the world

    of

     m y own language

     [which

     ] has

     been

     lost

    and my  spiritual homeland, Europe,

    [which] has  destroyed

      itself."

      H is  long

    years  of  homeless wandering have  ex -

    hausted him. "So I hold it better  to con-

    clude  in  good time  and  with  an  erect

    bearing

     a

     life fo r

     which

     intellectual labour

    was always the purest joy and  personal

    freedom t h e highest good on this earth."

    20

    In what

     way is

     S tefan

     Zweig

     relevant

      to

    our

     time

     and

     age, besides leaving

     a liter-

    ary legacy

     wh ich

     holds a place

     of

     honor in

    European literature of the  first half of the

    twentieth century?

      The

      most obvious

    answer  to  this question points  to the

    tragedy  of a man of  letters whose per-

    sonal

      life  was

      intertwined with

     t h e

      high

    culture of the era and the  brute forces

    bent

     on annihilat ing the

     achievements

     of

    humani ty .

      T he  quest  of  beauty  and of

    decency,

     the cultivation

     of a good life

     and

    fair

     society,  w as brutally assailed  by two

    world wars

     and

     wanton cruelty, with

     th e

    forces

     o f

     evil

     and

     unreason obtaining

     the

    upper hand over  the traditions  of good

    sense  and  cultural creativity.

      Zweig,

      in

    h is personal  life  and in the way he per-

    ceived  and articulated  th e  calamities of

    h is era, reflects th e tragic history of the

    half century in a remarkable way.

    But

     it is not only th e world of yesterday

    that Zweig brings

     to our

      attention.

     For

    even

     if

     yesterday

      is

     past

     and

     gone, tomor-

    row

     always waits

     in the

     wings, ready

      to

    make

      it s

      appearance.

      B y looking  at the

    world of yesterday,  we may be  warned

    about th e world

     of

     tomorrow. Seemingly,

    the

     present

     situation  is quite  different.

    Europe seems to have learned its lesson.

    T h e final

     form

     of the

     European entity

     h as

    not yet been determined, and its extent

    has not yet been

     defined,

     but

     armed hos-

    tility

      in Western  and Central Europe i s

    virtually unimaginable. Indeed, even

      th e

    menace

     of war

     between Western Europe

    and its

     Eastern neighbor,

     the

     mighty Rus-

    sian power, has  receded.  The  expecta-

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    tions of

     Zw eig in his

     early years of

     a

     peace-

    f u l  Europe

     seem to be finally

      vindicated.

    Can, then ,

     th e

     nightmare

     of the

      interven-

    ing

     decades

     be

     erased,

     and the

      gloomy

    forebodings

      of

     Zweig

      in his

      later

      years

    swept away?

    Alas,

     this

     does not

     seem

     to be the

     case.

    For the

      forces

      of

     evil—to

      put it in

      meta-

    physical

      terms—have not

      been annihi-

    lated. They may have  left  the European

    arena,

      or

      most

      of it, but  they have  re -

    grouped and made their appearance in a

    new

     form.

     Th ey do not march in

     ostenta-

    t ious army form ations, but they hide in

    shadowy places and str ike with mu rder-

    ous

      stealth

      at

      unexpected locations.

    Moreover, they

      can

      take

      advantage o f

    advanced technology

      to

      inflict  cata-

    strophic damage.

    In

      comparing

     the

      world

     of yesterday,

    as presented by

     Z weig, with

     the

     present

    situation, we may

     look with satisfaction

    at the  material

      progress

     and social ad-

    vancement

      of

     Europe

     and

     W estern

     Civili-

    zation. Zweig wo uld have been hap py

      to

    see the

      high er s tandard

      of living  and its

    fairer distr ibution

     in the

     advanced part

     of

    the world. That is what he anticipated

    one-hundred years ago.

    This  gratifying  pic ture  does

      not ex-

    tend into

      the

      domain

      of

     cul tural

      life.  In

    this respect one may look w ith longing to

    a t ime

     and

     place like

     th e

     Vienna of Zweig's

    youth, when

     the

     city enjoyed

     a

     first-class

    theatre and opera, as

     well

     as

     lighter

     enter-

    ta inment  of  high quali ty, when  gifted

    writers

      created

      literary works of great

    m e r i t ,

      w h e n h u m a n i s t i c e d u c a t i o n

    shaped

      th e aesthetic

     sensibilities

     of the

    generation.

    T hen there

     is the

     example

     of

     Zweig

     and

    several of

     his contemp oraries wh o

     repre-

    sent the ideal of the socially involved

    writer,

     of

     th e

     concerned artist, of

     th e

     com-

    passionate man of

     ideas.

      In an age

     when

    publishing

      increasingly becomes  an in-

    dustry,  writing

      a

      commercial undertak-

    ing, and

     excellence

     is

     measured

      by finan-

    cial

     rewards,

     one can

     only

     cast a

      nostal-

    gic look

     at a t ime when wri t ing was evalu-

    ated by its

     intr insic worth

     and the

     remu-

    neration

     was

     incidental

     to

     literary worth .

    Is

     all

     this

     a cause for

     despair?

     N ot

     nec-

    essarily.

     Zweigwas inclined to pessimism,

    though

     it has to be

     conceded th at

     he had

    good

     reasons

      for such an atti tude. O ur

    own

      confrontation with born-again evil

    puts

     us on

     alert,

     and

     jus t ly

     so. The

     more

    aware

     we are of the

      menace,

      the better

    the

      chances

      of

     overcoming

      it .

    A s

      to the

      cultural malaise,

      it is not

    universally recognized

     as such in an age

    which

     is

     wary of

     "judgmental"

     statements.

    Unless the creations of writers, musicians,

    and

     entertainers

      are

     subjected

     to a

     sub-

    stantive evaluation,

     and are not

     judged

    solely b y th eir financial success, there is

    not

      even

      a

      beginning

     o f a

      reversal

      of

    present cultural trends.

     Perhaps

     looking

    backwards

     to

     Z weig's World

     of

     Yesterday

    may help

     us to lay the

      founda t ion

     for a

    saner

     and

     better W orld

     of

     Tom orrow.

    I .S te fan Zweig,

     Die

      Welt

     von Ges tern ,

     1944.

     English

    translation,

      The

      World

      of Yesterday,

      1944,

      T he

    Viking  Press,  N ew York  1945,  18 [5]. T he  transla-

    tion in our

      text

      does  not

      necessarily  follow

      th e

    English version, but the location in that version is

    indicated

      in

     brackets .

      2. Op.

     cit.,

     1

     [v.].

     3.  Op.

     cit.,

    8 [vi.]. 4. O p. cit., 460-461 [405-406 ]. 5. Quoted  from

    D.A.  Prater,  European

      of Yesterday,  Oxford,

      1972,

    352. 6. D ie  Welt  von Ges tem, 291

     [253-254].

     7. D .A.

    Prater,

      107. 8.

     Stefan Zweig,  Ungedulddes

      Herzens

    (Stockholm,

     1943).

     9 .

     Schachnoue l le , 1942. Qu oted

    here,  in the  present writer 's translation, from D a s

    Stefan

      Zweig

     Buch

      (Frankfurt  am  Main, 1981),

     350.

    10.  D.A. Prater, 190. 11. Die  Welt  vo n

      Gestern,

     25-

    26   [11-12].  12.  S te fan  Zwe ig ,  Jeremias, Eine

    dramatische

     Dichtung

     in neun

     Bildem.

     Quoted  from

    Stefan Zweig,

      Die

      Dramen

      (Frankfurt

      am

      Main,

    1964),

     483.13.

     Op.

     cit., 483.14.

     O p. cit., 484.15. Op.

    cit.,  496. 16.  Op. cit.,  500. 17.  Der begrabene

    Leuchter

     (Vienna,

      1937). Quoted  from  th e  English

    translation.

      The  Buried  Candelabrum,  in

      Stefan

    Zweig, Jewish

     Legends

      (New York,  1987),  110-111.

    18. Op. cit.,  114-115. 19.

     D .A. Prater, 300.

      20. The

    original

     wording

     can be

      found

      in Da s

     Stefan  Zweig

    Buch,  339.