Beihefte der Francia

Bd. 31

1994

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E. A. R. BROWN and R. C. FAMIGLIETTI THE LI T DE JUSTICE

3>?>HMoo

BEIHEFTE DE R FRANCI A

Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris

Band 31

THE LI T DE JUSTICE: SEMANTICS, CEREMONIAL , AN D TH E

PARLEMENT OF PARI S 1300-1600

by

Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Richard C. Famiglietti

*

JAN THORBECKE VERLAG SIGMARINGEN 1994

ELIZABETH A.R.BROW N an d RICHARD C . FAMIGLIETTI

THE LI T DE JUSTICE: SEMANTICS, CEREMONIAL , AN D TH E

PARLEMENT OF PARI S 1300-1600

*

JAN THORBECKE VERLAG SIGMARINGEN 1994

Die Deutsche Bibliothe k - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Brownt Elizabeth A. R.: The Lit de Justice: semantics, ceremonial, and the Parle-ment of Pari s 1300-1600 / Elizabeth A . R . Brow n an d Richard C. Famiglietti . - Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1994

(Beihefte de r Francia; Bd. 31) ISBN 3-7995-7331-3

NE: Famiglietti, Richard C.: ; Francia / Beihefte

f Bayerisch e J Staatsbibliothek I

l Mùnchan J BEIHEFTE DE R FRANCI A Herausgeber: Prof . Dr. Werner Paravicin i

Deutsches Historische s Institut Paris, 9, ru e Maspéro, F-75116 Paris

Dieses Buch ist aus saurefreiem Papie r hergestellt und entspricht de n Frankfurter Forderunge n zur Verwendung alterungsbestandige r Papier e fur die Buchherstellung .

Verlagsadresse: Jan Thorbecke Verlag GmbH & Co., Karlstrafi e 10, D-72488 Sigmaringe n © 199 4 by Jan Thorbecke Verlag GmbH & Co., Sigmaringe n

Gesamtherstellung: M . Liehners Hofbuchdruckerei Gmb H & Co. Verlagsanstalt, Sigmaringe n Printed i n Germany

ISSN 0178-1952 • ISBN 3-7995-7331-3

C O N T E N T S

Acknowledgments 7

Abbreviations . 8

List of Illustrations 9

I. Prefac e 1 1

IL Royal Session s o f th e Parlement of Pari s i n th e Fourteent h Century :

From Lit to Lit de Justice 1 9

Tilly Lit de Justice, Apparatus and Institution, in the Fifteenth Century 3 1

IV. Th e King and the Parlement, 1492-1524 4 5

V. Franci s I, the Parlement, and the Lit de Justice 61

VI. Th e Lit de Justice in Theory and Practice During the Reign of Henry II 75

VII. Charle s IX and the Lit de Justice 9 0

VIII. Jean dulïllet and the Lit de Justice 9 7

aXJConclusion 102

Appendixes L Th e Records of the Suit and Trial of Robert of Artois 10 5

IL Anonymous Memorandum on Royal Sessions in the Parlement of Pari s 122

Bibliography 12 5

Index 14 8

5

FOR ISABELL E BAER FAMIGLIETT I and

DILLMAN ATKINSO N RAS H

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

During th e year s tha t w e hav e worke d togethe r o n thi s study , man y friend s an d colleagues have given us invaluable advice and support. It is a pleasure to thank them here. W e ar e especiall y gratefu l fo r th e counse l tha t Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek an d Alfre d Soma n offere d o n numerou s points , an d fo r thei r assistanc e with some prickly texts. Mme. Baudouin-Matuszek's generosity in verifying referen-ces and readings and in discussing and debating our hypotheses has been unbounded. J. J. G . Alexander , François Avril , Bernard Breslauer , Ralp h S . Brown , Jr. , Gile s Constable, Christophe r de Hamel, Rober t Descimon , Walte r Goffart , Joh n Bel l Henneman, Ger d Hiersemann , Kimbl e Higgs , Mac k P . Holt , Timoth y Husband , Ruth Kleinman , Danie l Kletke , Richar d A . Linenthal , Charle s T. Little , Roge r G . Little, Hervé Pinoteau, Myr a D . Orth , Susa n Reynolds , Nanc y Lyma n Roelker , Dana L . Sample , Luc y Sandler , Patrici a Dan z Stirnemann , an d Lind a C. L. Taber assisted us on questions substantive and stylistic. Wayne D. Geis t and Peter Harriss of the Graduate School o f the City University o f New York have given us generous help an d advic e wit h photographs . W e hav e als o bee n assiste d an d supporte d b y many libraries , archive s an d othe r institutions , an d w e tak e thi s opportunit y t o express ou r gratitud e t o them . We thank th e staff s o f th e Archive s nationales, the Bibliothèque nationale, the Library of the Institut de France, and the Centre d'Etude d'Histoire Juridique (sponsored by the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique and house d a t th e Archive s nationales) in Paris , th e Archive s départementales of Loire-Atlantique at Nantes, the Bibliothèque municipale of Rouen, the Cabinet des livres of th e Musée Cond é (Institu t d e France ) at Chantilly, Brown Universit y Library, Butle r Librar y an d th e Rar e Boo k Librar y o f Columbi a University , th e Grolier Clu b o f Ne w York , th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , th e Cloister s an d th e Thomas J. Watson Librar y o f th e Metropolitan Museu m o f Ar t i n Ne w York , th e Library o f Congress , an d th e Nationa l Librar y o f Russi a i n Sain t Petersburg . Elizabeth Brown' s researc h wa s mad e possibl e b y grant s fro m th e Academ y o f Sciences o f Russia , th e America n Counci l o f Learne d Societies , th e Internationa l Research an d Exchange s Boar d (IREX ) (wit h fund s provide d b y th e Nationa l Endowment for the Humanities the United States Information Agency , and the US Department o f State , which administer s th e Russian , Eurasian , and East Europea n Research Progra m [Titl e VIII]), th e National Endowmen t fo r th e Humanities , an d the PSC-CUNY Researc h Award Program.

7

ABBREVIATIONS

AN • Paris, Archives nationales BN • Paris, Bibliothèque national e SP - Saint Petersburg, National Library of Russia (formerly the M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public

Library)

Full references to all works used for this study appear in the Bibliography. In the notes the works are cited by the first words of thei r tides.

All date s are given in the new style .

8

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Tria l of Robert of Artois, 133 2 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , fr. 18437 , fol. 2r . Courtesy o f the Bibliothèque nationale .

2. Tria l of Robert of Artois, 133 2 From a manuscript owne d b y Lor d Mostyn , sol d i n London o n 13 July 1920. Illustrated i n th e sale catalogue. Courtesy of the Thomas J. Watson Library of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photograph E. A. R , Brow n

3. Gaignière s Watercolor of th e Trial of Rober t o f Artois, 133 2 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , Estampes, Oa 11, fol. 32 . Courtesy o f the Bibliothèque nationale .

4. Engraving base d on the Gaignières Watercolor of th e Trial of Rober t o f Artois, 133 2 Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:246, pi. XLIV . Courtes y o f th e New York Public Library .

5. Miniature Depicting the Trial of the Duke of Alencon , 1458, Attributed to Jean Fouquet Munich, Bayrisch e Staatsbibliothek , Cod . Gal . 369, foi . 2v. Her e fro m Durrieu , Der Miinchener Boccaccio, plate facing p. 6. Courtesy o f th e New York Public Library.

6. Miniature from a Copy of the Chronicle of Jean Charrier (1471 ), Accompanying the Account of the Trial of Alençon, 1458 , and Depicting a *Lit de Justice* Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale, MS U 94 (1151), fol. 228v. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque municipale of Rouen.

7. Gaignière s Watercolor of the Presentation Miniature in the Copy of Jean Corbechon's Translation of De proprietatibm rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus made for Tanneguy du Chastel and his Wife Jeanne of Malestroit betwee n 1462 and 1477 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , Estampes , Oa 12, fol. 9r. Courtesy of th e Bibliothèque nationale .

8. Presentation Miniatur e i n th e Cop y o f Jean Corbechon' s Translation o f De proprietatibus rerum o f Bartholomaeus Anglicus made for Tanneguy du Chastel and his Wife Jeanne of Malestroit between 1462 and 1477 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , fr. 22532, fol. 9r. Courtesy of th e Bibliothèque nationale .

9. Engraving base d o n th e Gaignières Watercolor o f th e Presentatio n Miniatur e i n th e Cop y o f Jea n Corbechon's Translation of De proprietatibus rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus made for Tanneguy du Chastel an d his Wife Jeanne of Malestroi t betwee n 1462 and 1477 Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 3:34, pi. VII. Courtesy of the New York Public Library.

9

L PREFAC E

The curious phrase lit de justice originated in the fourteenth century and by the first decade o f th e fifteent h centur y designate d particularly importan t roya l session s o f the Parlement of Paris . It s institutiona l significanc e wa s recognize d whe n i n Apri l 1485 Charles VIII (1483-98) declared tha t in th e Parlement of Pari s "an d nowher e else i s hel d an d mus t b e hel d ou r lit de justice."* The intriguin g nam e prompt s curiosity and speculation. It is easy to envisage Saint Louis sitting under an oak tree to pronounc e judgments , bu t i t may b e harde r to imagine wha t a lit, a bed, coul d have ha d t o d o wit h th e dispensatio n o f justic e - although, jus t befor e describin g Louis' sylvan court at Vincennes, Joinville reported the king's custom of sitting at the foot of his bed ("au pié de son lit") to render justice2. As will be seen, such practice, as well as medieval terminology, explains how the term lit de justice came into being. Understanding what the institution was and how it developed is a far more difficul t task becaus e o f th e numbe r an d variety o f source s tha t illuminat e an d sometime s obscure it s history . An y conclusion s regardin g th e lit de justice ar e necessaril y provisional becaus e of th e nature of thi s evidence .

The survival o f documentation concernin g th e king and his justice i s haphazard, but much evidenc e has been preserved. N o historia n ca n know al l the records tha t bear on this topic and the lit de justice - official texts , contemporary correspondence , histories, treatises , poems, an d tracts. The records o f th e Parlement pose particular problems. Som e o f th e court' s register s hav e bee n lost , bu t a staggering numbe r survive. These register s ar e fundamentall y importan t fo r establishin g when , why , and ho w king s visite d th e tribunal , bu t thei r bul k make s systemati c examinatio n difficult and exhaustive analysis virtually impossible. For the most part they have not been fully inventoried 3. I n the seventeenth centur y the parlementary councilo r an d master o f request s Jean L e Nai n (1613-98 ) compiled massiv e lists , indexes , an d collections o f extracts , whic h ar e preciou s guide s t o thes e records 4. Usefu l a s Le

1 Ordonnances, éd . Laurière, 19:539-40 (from Register H of the ordonnances of the Parlement of Paris). We discuss this pronouncement mor e fully, o n 44 below.

2 Jean , sire de Joinville, Œuvres, 40 . See 21 below. 3 The Répertoire numérique des archives du Parlement de Paris: Série X contain s 26,789 entries; see as

well Boutaric, Actes du Parlement de Parisy l:ccxlv-ixxix; Bourgeon, "La fronde parlementaire," 18-19, 20 n. 8 . Painstaking analysis of parlementary records is being carried out a t the Archives nationales by the Centre d'Etude d'Histoire Juridique, established by the late Pierre Timbal and now directed by Jean Hilaire. It s staf f offer s generou s assistanc e to scholar s workin g i n th e late-medieval perio d o n whic h they are now concentrating; their indexes and files, some of them now computerized, provide access to material that would otherwis e require years of researc h to locate.

4 On Le Nain, Boutaric, Actes du Parlement de Paris 9 1: ccxlv-lxxix.

11

Nain's analyse s and excerpt s are , however , the y ar e sometime s inaccurat e an d occasionally misleading , no r i s i t alway s possibl e t o locat e th e text s tha t Le Nai n knew. Like the extracts and copies made by his contemporaries, his works provide a useful startin g point for research , but , a s he woul d hav e been th e first t o acknowl -edge, they cannot b e used in lieu of th e records of th e Parlement themselves5.

The man y register s o f th e Parlement remain th e historian' s prim e resource , ye t they are not easy to use in order to understand the king's relations with the tribunal. Royal visit s might be noted in records of judgment s an d decrees, in proceedings o f the Conseil of th e Parlement, in account s o f pleadin g a t mornin g o r afternoo n sessions, and in formal copies of ordonnances registered by the court. All suc h visits mentioned i n documentatio n tha t ha s survive d wil l som e da y b e revealed , an d th e number o f know n roya l session s wil l surel y increase . Bu t th e tall y wil l neve r b e complete, no t onl y becaus e o f th e disappearanc e o f registers , bu t als o because , b y intention o r oversight , som e roya l visit s wer e no t mentione d i n parlementar y records. Hence the usefulness of other sources, contemporary chroniclers, observers, and commentators , wh o sometime s not e th e king' s presenc e a t session s whe n th e court's registers are silent and sometimes apply to such sessions names not found i n those records. As regards the registers of the Parlement, variations in the practices of the court' s clerks rul e ou t the possibility o f drawin g precise and detailed compari -sons amon g th e roya l visit s tha t ar e ther e recorded . T o b e sure , procedur e an d ceremonial changed, but so too did the manner of recording them, however slowly . Formulas describin g proceeding s i n th e tribunal' s chamber s resiste d modification , but the y wer e no t immutable , an d th e personalitie s an d habit s o f th e clerk s wh o prepared th e register s affecte d thei r phraseology an d content. Differen t clerk s ha d different style s and different interests ; some were laconic, others expansive. Formu-laic modifications ma y a s easily resul t fro m changin g rhetorica l style s an d usage as from altere d practice . Th e evidenc e tha t thes e clerk s left , th e chie f sourc e fo r studying th e lit de justice, mus t b e used with cautio n and circumspection .

Although the origins of the lit de justice ar e veiled in the mists of time, the general outlines o f th e institution' s late r developmen t ar e clear . Charle s VIIF s decre e o f April 1485 shows the importance accorded to it at the end of the middle ages. Yet the sixteenth centur y sa w th e institutio n transforme d int o a n objec t o f mistrus t an d disrespect6. When on 7 March 1583 Henry III sat in his lit de justice in the Parlement of Pari s t o forc e registratio n o f edicts , th e firs t president , Achille d e Harlay, outspokenly bemoane d the king's abandonment of the "accustomed forms" follow -ed b y hi s ancestors , wh o ha d "regulate d th e balanc e o f thei r justic e b y [thei r Parlements'] counsel an d advice." 7 Jacques-Auguste d e Thou (1553-1617), Harlay's

5 Bourgeon, "La frond e parlementaire,* * 8 6 n. 143, is mor e impresse d tha n w e ar e b y th e valu e o f seventeenth- and eighteenth-century copies , although he admits that they ar e "[l]égèrement lacunaire s et fautives."

6 Cf . Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 228 (Fr. éd. 219), who finds "no complaints about the abuse of the Lit de Justice as a legislative weapon" until "the later seventeenth [an d early eighteenth] century."

7 For thi s session , se e Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:595-600, esp. 595 (attendance an d ceremony); 598 ("vos prédécesseur s ont fai t ce t honneur à vos Parlemen s d e régler la balance d e leur Iustice par leur consei l & aduis : E t combien qu'il s peussen t vse r de puissanc e absolu e comm e vous , toutesf ois ils ont tousiours eu cette maxime engrauée en leur esprit de réduire leur puissance à la ciuilité des Loi x .. . N e change z poin t le s formes accoustumés , soi t en la distribution d e l a Iustice, soi t en la

12

brother-in-law and the son of Harlay's predecessor, declared of the same session that lest the king appear to be vanquished, he resorted to an "evil but to him now familiar custom" by coming to the court to sit in his lit de justice*. Five years later, in 1588, Lazare Coqueley, clerica l councilo r o f th e Parlement of Pari s and de Thou's clos e associate, raised his voice against the institution. Discussing measures to be taken by the Estates General, he called for the abolition of lits de justice. Coquele y considered them antithetica l t o justice , a demonstratio n o f absolut e powe r tha t shoul d b e unknown in France, which was a royal rather than seignioral state9. The unfortunate reputation o f th e lit de justice di d not improve with time. In 1756 Louis Adrien L e Paige decried it as "an occasion of mourning for the nation, when the people present to the king visages marked with grief and affliction"10; the publisher of a later edition of his work termed suc h sessions "th e scourge of the people, the cross and calamity of magistrates, and a perennial source of trouble for society."11 Writing in 1804 from a totall y differen t an d thoroughl y royalis t perspective , Alexandre-François-Félix,

publication des Edicts"). Mack P. Holt discusses the nature of the session in "The King in Parlement," 512-13; cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 215-16 n. 20 (Fr. ed. 371-72 n. 20).

8 "Tandem, ne victus videretur , pravo , se d sib i ja m familiari , more , i n senatu m venit ; et in justitia e lectisternio sedens ...": d e Thou: Historiarum ... Libri, 4:151. The French translation, which i s ofte n inaccurate, reads, "Comme le Prince vouloit les faire passer à quelque prix que ce fût, il eut recours à sa mauvaise pratiqu e ordinaire : c e fu t d e se rendr e e n personn e a u Parlemen t pou r y teni r so n li t d e justice": idem, Histoire universelle, 9:66-67. Although h e did not mention justitiae lectisternium, de Thou use d analogou s terminolog y ("rex , qu i vinc i nollet , prav o mor e ja m aliquotie s usurpato" ) i n recounting th e king's simila r visi t to th e Parlement on 16 June 1586: de Thou, Historiarum ... Libri, 4:411; Histoire universelle, 9:5% . Lectisternium mean t both bed and its apparatus; the Dictionnaire de Trévoux (3:1394 ) gives solemne lectisternium a s a synonym for the ceremonial lit de parade. De Thou's access to informatio n regardin g the Parlement is treated i n Holt , "Kin g in Parlement," 509; see als o Antoine Caron, "U t prosint aliis', " 101-25 (on 108-9 Marie-Pierre Laffitt e discusse s th e manuscript s owned b y de Thou). Samue l Kinse r discusse s th e differen t edition s o f de Thou's histor y (o f whic h eleven ha d appeare d b y 1630) in Works of de Thou, 2-3, 57-74 , 271-76 . A Frenc h translatio n wa s contemplated in 1606; one was under way in 1639; a German translation appeared in 1621, an English version in 1729. Yet no complete Frenc h translation was published unti l 1734; its quality bespok e it s origin as the product o f a n opportunistic hac k who pushed the volumes into print: ibid., 257-96; on the incorrec t dat e i n th e tide , 7 n. 5, 35 , 271 . Kinser emphasize s th e dange r o f relyin g o n th e translations, i n ibid. , 256, 273-75 , 279-% . Hanley doe s no t utiliz e de Thou fo r event s earlie r tha n 1610; like Holt an d many others, she relies solely on the French translation: The Lit de Justice, 231 n. 1, 363 (Fr. ed . 376 n. 1, 422); see also , e.g. , Bourgeon , "La fronde parlementaire, " 1 8 n. 3 , 29 n . 22; Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross, 253; n. 21 below.

9 BN, Cin q Cent s de Colbert 500, fols. 127r-28r, esp . 127v : "Il sera bon particulièrement desprouuer par Icelles de faire banni r de ce royaume ceste façon de faire Tenir Le roy icy en son Lic t de Iustice pour vne chose tout e contrair e cestadire d e publier des edict z reîecte z plusieur s fois Ces t un e forc e faite ala Iustice Cest vne puissance absolue qui ne doibt estre cogneue en france principalement a u fait de la Iustice attendu que ces t estâ t est roya l e t non seigneurial." See Holt , "Kin g in Parlement," 523. For background, Pierre de l'Estoile , Mémoires-journaux, 3:138-46 , 155-56 , 188-90 .

10 ".. . un jour de deuil pour la Nation, & que les Peuples ne présentent à leur Roi qu'un visage de douleur & d'affliction" : L e Paige, Lettre sur les lits de justice (completed on 1 8 August 1756, an d repub . ca. 1780), 15 ; see Hanley Madden, "L'idéologie constitutionnell e e n France, " 32 ; eadem , The Li t d e Justice, 3-6 (Fr . ed . 15-17) ; Holt, "Kin g in Parlement," 507-23.

11 ".. . l e fléau de s Peuples , la croix & la calamité des Magistrats , & un principe intarissable de troubles pour la société": Le Paige, Lettre sur les lits de justice (2nd éd.), 7 ("Avis de l'éditeur"). The publisher ended by declaring the lit de justice "[u]ne séance de contrainte & de force, où la pleine puissance vient tout captiver, & qui n'est propre qu'à deshonorer tout à la fois & le Monarque & la Nation": ibid., 8.

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count o f Franc e d'Hézecques (1774-1835) , bemoaned th e occasions no t becaus e o f the king' s behavio r i n the m bu t becaus e o f th e Parlement' s stubbor n resistance , voiced there, to the monarch's sage decrees; he blamed the tribunal for thus creating the abyss that was to engul f bot h the Parlement and th e monarchy 12.

At the end of the sixteenth century the lit de justice was simply the most notorious mechanism tha t th e kin g employe d t o compe l a reluctan t Parlement to registe r legislation. Then as earlier he had many means of swayin g the high court . He coul d send specia l letters commanding obedience 13; h e could dispatch impressive spokes -men t o harangu e th e members . Th e ceremonia l session s whe n th e kin g himsel f presided over the tribunal are therefore important as one aspect of a far broader and more significant topic : the development o f roya l authority and power in relation t o the Parlement of Paris .

Lits de justice hav e lon g bee n considere d i n thi s contex t b y suc h historian s a s Edouard Maugis, Roger Doucet, and François Olivier-Martin14. Their approach has not been faultless. Interested chiefly i n the growth of roya l assertiveness manifeste d on such occasions, they have not provided precise definitions o f th e lit de justice o r explored th e phrase' s nuance s an d shiftin g meanings . They an d other s hav e some -times designate d a s lits de justice session s tha t ma y no t hav e bee n s o calle d b y contemporaries bu t that strikingly resembled othe r sessions to which contemporar -ies are known to have applied the name. Like many of those who, since the sixteenth century, have considered the history of France's institutions, they have used a name invented late to refe r to phenomena tha t the term only slowl y cam e to encompass .

In several recent publications, Sarah Hanley has taken a different, complementar y approach, focusing o n the phrase lit de justice itself , an d particularly o n it s appear-ance in official record s of th e Parlement15. In keeping with a practice current in the seventeenth century, she distinguishes "Roya l Séances" (or "ordinary [or honorary] royal visit s t o Parlement") from lits de justice1*. Sh e call s th e latter uLit de Justice

12 France d'Hézecques, Souvenirs, 204-10, at 205-6, 208 , and esp . 206 ("C'es t ains i que le parlemen t creusait... l'abîm e qu i devait l'engloutir avec l a monarchie"). On the count's life , ibid. , iii-viii .

13 Aubert, Histoire du Parlement, 2 (Procédure):360-(A (lettres de jussion and remonstrances) . 14 Maugis , Histoire du Parlement; Doucet , Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier; idem, Institutions

de la France; Olivier-Martin , Histoire du droit français. See als o Famiglietti, "The Rol e o f th e Parlement of Paris.*' Additional bibliographical information is given in Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 4-6 nn. 4-7 (Fr. ed. 317-18 nn. 4-7); her assessment o f previous scholarship i s affected b y her belief tha t there was no medieval institutiona l lit de justice.

15 Hanley [Madden ] a s cite d i n nn . 6 and 10 above; eadem , "Th e Lit de Justice an d the Fundamenta l Law"; an d eadem , "Constitutiona l Discours e i n France. " Bourea u summarize s (an d apparend y accepts) Hanky' s majo r conclusions, in "Les cérémonies royale s françaises," 1254—57.

16 Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 8 (Fr. ed. 19) . See Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy, 2:452 , 455, 545, 553, 644, 647, and cf. 49 0 ("Seance, et Lict de Ivstice"); AN, KK 142 8 (copies of documents relating to the Ceremonial), fols. 235r-54v. The distinction was clearly drawn in a seventeenth-century memoran-dum prepared i n the Parlement and published i n Mémoires concernant les pairs, ed . Lancelot , 11-22. Particularly usefu l fo r tracin g th e terminolog y i s th e invaluabl e collectio n o f source s amasse d b y Blondel, published in Mémoires du Parlement de Paris. Cf. Holt, "King in Parlement," 509 n. 7, 515 n. 29. However traditional, the distinction raises problems, since séance simply means "session," and the occasions whe n th e kin g appeare d i n th e Parlement "séan t e n son lic t de iustice" were séances like others where he was not said to do so: see, e.g., Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 286, fig. 11 (Fr. ed., fig. 11 following 256).

14

assemblies." Discountin g instance s whe n well-informe d contemporarie s use d th e term to refer to sessions, she restricts this title to meetings that are specifically termed lits de justice in the Parlements records. Of this group, she excludes those assemblies that lack the judicial and constitutional attribute s which she regards as essential fo r lits de justice hel d befor e the reign of Loui s XIII (1610-43), when al l royal visits t o the Parlement of Pari s (of which there were many) were so designated 17.

Hanky's methodology makes clear the importance of attending to official source s and official phraseology. It leads, however, to a number of controversial conclusions. Rejecting th e medieva l origi n lon g ascribe d t o th e lit de justice, sh e denie s th e importance o f th e institutiona l significanc e attache d t o th e phras e befor e th e six -teenth century. Thus she holds that the term "was connected with Royal Séances in the vocabular y o f th e lat e middl e age s onl y fo r a few decade s betwee n 1387 and 1413" and that "it barely survived in chronicle lore thereafter." She contends that in the middl e age s lit de justice "simpl y signifie d th e draped apparatu s [employe d fo r ceremonial roya l visits] " an d "jus t briefl y signale d parlementar y jurisdiction. " "Thus," she says, "i t is the trivial nature o f that phrase in the fourteenth, fifteenth , and earl y decade s o f th e sixteent h centuries , a s oppose d t o th e constitutiona l importance imposed upon it later, which strikes an ironical chord." She declares the medieval origins o f th e institution a fiction, "deduce d b y [sixteenth-century] histo -rians," "turned into a legend by seventeenth-century historians," and "confirmed b y eighteenth-century historians. " "Actually," she says , "th e firs t thre e Lit de Justice assemblies i n Frenc h histor y wer e convoke d ... in 1527 [and] in 1537." From tha t time unti l Loui s XIIP s reign , she believes , the ceremonial deco r and th e title lit de justice wer e carefull y an d consciousl y reserve d fo r assemblie s tha t "concerne d ... constitutional matter[s]." l8 She considers it "paradoxical" that only four lits de justice were held between 1537 and 1597: three in the provinces in 1563,1564, and 1565, and one in Paris in 157319. Not unti l 1597, she argues, did a king (Henry IV, who reigned from 1589 to 1610) attempt to force objectionable legislation through a session of the Parlement in which he held his lit de justice20.

Mack P. Holt has recendy questioned Hanley's interpretation of the history of the lit de justice i n th e lat e sixteent h century , tracin g bac k t o 1563 the us e o f th e

17 Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 138,140-41 (Fr. ed. 133,135-36) (excluded sessions, 1549,1551,1552, and 1558), and 209-10 (Fr. ed . 204) (excluded sessions , 1569 and 1572); 282-83 (Fr. ed . 264-65) (Louis XIII).

18 For these quotations, Hanley, The Lit de Justice, xi, 47, 49, 211 (Fr. ed. 11,44-45, 48, 204-5); see also 143 (Fr. ed. 139) ("a constitutional assembly") . For her dismissal of various appearance s of th e term, see the preceding n. and ibid., 24 (Fr. ed. 31) (Baye "stretched the phrase là de justice eve r so slighdy"; "si pe u que ce fût , étend u l e sen s du terme") ; 132-3 3 esp . 13 2 n. 1 1 (Fr. ed . 127-29 , 35 0 n . 11 ) (" a metaphor"; "metaphorical image"); 215-16 n . 20 (Fr. ed . 371-72 n . 20) ("metaphorical allusion").

19 Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 144 , 228, 347-48 (Fr . ed. 141 , 218-19, 406). 20 Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 224-27, esp. 224 (Fr. ed. 214-17, esp. 214-15) (the assembly was "the first

of it s kind , fo r th e purpos e o f forcin g th e registratio n o f financia l edict s throug h Parlement"; "la premiere assemblée du genre à viser l'enregistrement forc é d'édit s financiers par le Parlement") ; 225 (Fr. ed . 215 ) (Henr y Ill's "use of a Lit de Justice assembly t o registe r dispute d edict s raisin g wa r monies was not part of a long tradition; it was an extraordinary action"; "L'usage de l'institution pour l'enregistrement d'édit s fiscaux justifiés par la guerre ne relevait pas d'une tradition établie ; c'était a u contraire un acte extraordinaire").

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institution to compel registratio n o f unpalatable legislation , and demonstrating tha t from th e beginnin g o f hi s reig n Henr y II I employe d th e lit de justice fo r thi s purpose21. Emphasizin g that royal visit s t o the Parlement sometimes wen t unnote d in th e tribunal' s registers , h e draw s o n th e testimon y o f suc h knowledgeabl e contemporaries a s Pierre de I'Estoile (1546-1611) and Jacques-Auguste d e Thou i n reconstructing Henry' s relationshi p with th e high court .

In this study we examine Holt' s finding s an d Hanley's hypotheses , as we present our own reading of the development and significance of the term lit de justice and the institution to which this term came to be applied. Ours is a study of both a thing and a name, and we argue that the invention o f the phrase in the fourteenth century di d not alter the functional relationship between the king and the tribunal. Royal visits to the Parlement, both solemn and less formal, had occurred in the past and continued to tak e place . Ye t th e us e o f a specia l nam e t o designat e particularl y importan t ceremonial visits witnessed a subtle shif t i n the attitud e o f contemporarie s t o roya l sessions, a s som e wer e distinguishe d fro m other s an d thereb y accorde d specia l institutional status. As we shall propose, the evidence that survives reveals that in the later middle age s roya l parlementar y session s terme d lits de justice wer e use d a s a royal forum for achieving the registration of controversial ordonnances. Thus the lits de justice o f th e sixteenth century ha d a venerable past , and institutional continuit y existed between, on the one hand, the lits de justice o f th e late fourteenth an d early fifteenth centuries , and, on the other, those of the sixteenth century and later - even though th e precise significanc e o f th e ter m change d ove r time . A s t o th e sixteent h century, we believe , there was no hiatus between the lits de justice o f 1537 and those of 1563-65, since some royal sessions of the Parlement of Paris in that interim period were thought o f an d called lits de justice.

We pay particular attention to Jean du Tillet, greffier civil of the Parlement of Paris from 1530 until hi s death in 1570. Du Tillet not onl y recorde d th e civi l proceedings of th e Parlement but als o wrote a number o f treatise s dealing with the French past and French institutions. I n most o f thes e h e mentioned occasion s whe n king s hel d their lits de justice22, althoug h none of hi s mature writings discusses the lit de justice

21 Holt, "Kin g i n Parlement," 518-21 . Because h e use s th e Frenc h translatio n rathe r tha n th e Lati n original of de Thou's History, Hol t does not distinguish amon g the terms used by de Thou, which the French translation renders "lit de justice." The term justitiae lectisternium appear s in connection wit h sessions held on 27 August 1575 and 7 March 1583, lectisternium i n connection with the session o f 14 May 1576: Historiarum ... Libri, 3:418, 489 , 4:151; Histoire universelle, 7:27 2 (where de Thou's "in senatu rege praesente" is rendered "le Roi séant en son lit de Justice"; cf. Holt, "Kin g in Parlement," 510), 7:418, 9:66-67. See also 82, 88, 92 and 94 below. De Thou's account of the session of 4 July 1581 (dated "le quinze de juillet" in the French translation) is less full than that given by Pierre de I'Estoile; de Thou say s that 27 fiscal edict s wer e imposed , L'Estoil e nine : Holt , "Kin g in Parlement," 511-12; L'Estoile, Mémoires-journaux, 2:11-12 ; cf. d e Thou, Historiarum ... Libri, 4:31; Histoire universelle, 8:550. In addition to the royal visits to the Parlement discussed by Holt, L'Estoil e records that Henry III appeare d i n th e cour t o n 30 April 1576 to deman d loans , an d o n 24 May following , fo r th e publication o f letter s regarding th e duk e o f Alençon's apanage: Mémoires-journaux, 1:127 , 132 ; see 94-95 below.

22 D u Tillet wrote three recueils for Henry II (1547-59). The Recueil des Roys, finishe d between 1553 and 1555, treats th e histor y o f th e Frenc h kings , their genealogy , an d roya l institutions ; th e Recueil des Angloys, give n to the king in February 1558, deals with relations between France and England since the Norman Conquest ; th e Recueil des ordonnances is a compilatio n o f roya l edict s fro m Phili p I

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in detail 23. Hi s work s cam e t o b e treate d a s th e compendiu m par excellence o f evidence concernin g France' s history, an d numerous late r scholars relie d on him as they discusse d Frenc h institutions , includin g th e lit de justice1*. Du Tillet play s a major role in Sarah Hanley's studies . She attributes to him the creation of " a critical typology of royal visits to the Parlement of Paris" and, more important, "a historical fiction abou t th e existence o f th e medieval Lit de Justice assembly."25 She proposes that Du Tillet "set in motion" a "legend" of the medieval origins of the assembly that would b e given final for m i n the seventeenth an d eighteenth centuries26. In the final section of thi s study we argue that as regards the lit de justice Du Tillet constructe d neither typology no r fiction (o r legend), that he was generally extremel y faithfu l t o the phraseolog y o f th e document s whic h h e used , an d tha t hi s source s g o fa r t o

(1060-1108) through Jean II (1350-64), In 1560 two treatises on the royal majority were published, and in th e nex t decad e Du Tillet wrot e eigh t shor t religiou s an d politica l tracts . H e als o complete d tw o additional recueils for Charles IX. He offered a gready expanded recension of the Recueil des Roys t o Charles i n 1566. The Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands de France, a study o f precedenc e consisting in large part of selections from documents, was written after July 1566, the last dated entry; the presence of two straight (rather than interlaced) columns on the luxurious binding suggests that the binding was not confected befor e 1567, the year when the king's device was altered, and thus that the work wa s no t presente d t o th e kin g unti l then . Neithe r th e Recueil des Roys fo r Henr y I I no r th e Recueil des ordonnances has been published. In 1578, eight years after Du Tillet's death, appeared tw o pirated an d deficien t eds . o f th e Recueil des Roys fo r Charle s IX , unde r th e titl e Les Mémoires et Recerches. Th e ed . publishe d i n 1579/80 as Recveil des Roys (whic h wil l b e cite d below ) wa s fa r superior; it was accompanied by the Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands (also cited from the ed. of 1579/80). The Recueil des Angloys wa s firs t publishe d i n 1588 as a volume "Contenant le s guerres et traictez de paix, trefues, et alliances d'entre les Roys de France & d'Angleterre"; the work was included in later eds. of Du fillet's writings , and will be cited from that of 1618. Additional information o n Du Tillet, hi s career, and his writings i s given in Brown, Jean du Tillet and his Recueils; eadem, Jean du Tillet and the French Wars of Religion; eadem , "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians" 3-13, 54-80, 87-88. Cf . Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 102-3 (esp. n. 3), 112 (esp. n. 33), 345, 353-54 (Fr. ed. 99-100 [esp. 343 n. 3], 10 7 [esp. 346 n. 33], 346, 411-12).

23 Had h e live d t o complet e th e stud y o f Frenc h governmen t tha t h e planned , Du Tillet migh t hav e written on the topic. In the second recension of his Recueil des Roys, Du Tillet referred to the Recueil that he hoped to compose on "la forme ancienne du gouuernement des troys estatz et ordre de Justice dudict Royaume auec les changemens y suruenuz": se e th e dedicatio n t o th e Recueil des Roys fo r Charles IX, here cited from BN, fr. 2848, fol. 2v; see also SP, Fr. F. v. IV, No. 9, fol. 2r. In Recveil des Roys, 278, 287, Du Tillet refers t o projected chapter s dealing with the Parlement and with baillis and seneschals.

24 Brown, "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians", 3-12; Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 104, 112,141, 271 n. 48 (Fr. ed . 100-101, 107 , 137 , 385 n. 48).

25 Hanley Madden, "L'idéologie constitutionnelle," 34-35 ("une typologie critique des visites royales au Parlement d e Paris"); cf. 3 6 ("la théorie historique de Du Tillet"), and also 37 ("cette théorie - s i tant est qu'i l y e n eu t une") ; eadem , "Constitutional Discourse," 156 ; eadem , The Li t d e Justice , 8 ("introduced the historical fiction of a medieval Lit de Justice") (Fr. ed. 20), 120 ("concocted out of this wealth o f archiva l evidenc e ... a tantalizing theor y abou t th e uniqu e characte r o f Frenc h law s an d institutions"; "Du Tillet's constitutiona l theory" ) (Fr . ed. 114).

26 Hanley, "Constitutiona l Discourse, " 155-56; eadem, "L'idéologie constitutionnelle," 35; eadem, The Lit de Justice, 225 ("Jean du Tillet's constitutiona l theor y ... legitimized the first thre e Lit de Justice assemblies an d establishe d conservativ e constitutiona l guideline s fo r futur e convocation s i n th e Parlement of Paris") (Fr. ed. 215); 268 ("Jean du Tillet's earlier fiction o f the medieval Lit dejustice n) (Fr. ed . 251). Cf. , however, ibid. , 100 (Fr. ed . 98), where sh e suggest s tha t th e "fiction " possibl y predated Du TlDet. Ariette Jouanna {Le devoir de révolte, 320 ) follows Hanley' s interpretation of Du Tillet's treatment of th e lit de justice.

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explain th e few terminologica l distortion s whic h he introduced. To be sure, he was acquainted with a reading of the past that projected the existence, if not the creation, of th e institution termed lit de justice bac k into Charlemagne's time . More sensitiv e to historica l contex t an d evidence , mor e attentiv e t o terminologica l precision , however, h e neither endorsed nor promoted thi s particular vision o f th e history o f the Ut de justice.

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IL ROYA L SESSION S OF THE PARLEMEN T OF PARIS I N TH E F O U R T E E N T H C E N T U R Y :

FROM LIT TO LIT D E JUSTIC E

Early appearance s o f king s i n th e Parlement cannot b e reconstructe d wit h an y precision. There ar e few relevan t ordonnances and fiscal accounts ; description an d analysis are far rarer than in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries . Two survivin g contemporary depiction s o f a solemn session presided over by the king in the early fourteenth centur y (Phili p VI' s tria l o f Rober t o f Artois in 1332) focus o n th e individuals wh o wer e presen t rathe r tha n o n th e milie u i n whic h the y assemble d (figs. 1 and 2)! . In both, the king is shown crowne d an d garbed in robes decorate d with fleurs de lis, sitting on his traditional throne, his feet resting on a footstool; th e throne i s elevate d o n a platform wit h tw o steps . A preciou s watercolo r cop y o f another contemporar y renditio n o f th e sam e scen e show s th e setting i n which th e king presided, adding further details (figs. 3 and 4)2. In it the footstool an d platform are covered b y a carpet adorned with fleurs de lis, which extends beyon d th e dais; behind an d abov e th e thron e ar e a similarl y decorate d backdro p an d curtaine d canopy. The ensemble bears a striking resemblance to the image of the monarch later found on the great seal of France, and commentators often likened the appearance of kings in their lits de justice t o the representations foun d o n these seals 3.

1 Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 35-37 (Fr. ed. 39-40), where the well-known miniature from BN, fr. 18437, fol. 2r, (her e fig . 1) is foun d o n p . 36 (Fr. ed. , fig . 1 following 256); see als o Sterling , La peinture médiévale, 1:134 , fig. 69. The second miniature appears in a copy of the same manuscript, the record of the suit and trial of Robert of Artois, which found its way from France to the collection of Dr. Thomas Hobart (d. 1728) and then to that of Sir Thomas Mostyn and his descendants. It was sold in London on 13 July 1920. The miniatur e i s reproduce d i n th e sal e catalogu e (Catalogue of Very Important Illuminated and Other Manuscripts, lo t 4); the manuscrip t i s describe d ther e an d i n "Note s o f th e Manuscripts o f th e Righ t Honourabl e Lor d Mostyn, " 363, no. 277; Couderc (Les enluminures, 68 ) called attentio n t o it s existenc e i n 1927. We conside r th e relationshi p amon g th e differen t copie s o f records of th e suit and trial of Rober t of Artois and their illustrations in Appendix I below.

2 BN, Estampes, Oa 11, fol. 32, a drawing made for Roger de Gaignières (1642-1715), which served as the basis fo r th e engraving i n Montfaucon , Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:pl. XLIV , facin g 246; see Sterling, La peinture médiévale, 1:135 , fig. 70. In Appendix I we discuss the complex question of the authenticity o f thi s depiction, which Hanley (The Li t de Justice, 35, 37 n. 56; Fr. ed. 329 n. 56) contests; th e Lati n tex t i n Montfaucon' s work i s simpl y a translation o f hi s Frenc h tex t an d not , a s Hanley suggests, an embroidered version of the continuation of th e chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis.

3 See 103 n.2, 118, below. Loy s d'Orlean s compare s th e image s o n th e grea t sea l an d th e king' s appearance i n th e lit de justice, i n Les ouvertures des Parlements, 155-56 ; his analysi s i s followe d virtually verbatim by André Du Chesne, in Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys de France, 510-11; and by La Roche Flavin, Treze livres des Parlements, 285 ; see also Favyn, Le Theatre d*Honnevr, 1:29 2 (the kings o f Franc e "sont-ils tou s seul s des Prince s d e la Terre qui soien t représentez en leur grand Seau, assis en leur Lict de Ivstice, vestus à la Royale, & en habit pacifique; au lieu que les autres Princes se font paroistre Armez, & montez à Cheual, ainsi que les saincts Georges").

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Additional informatio n regardin g th e ceremonia l o f roya l visit s t o th e tribuna l is foun d i n a n ordonnance on th e Parlement that Phili p V (1316-22) issued o n 17 November 1318, expanding a n ordonnance promulgated b y Phili p th e Fai r (1285-1314) in 13104. The decree's chief aim was to ensure that when the king was in the Parlement, the hearing of al l other cases should cease . So that he could convers e privately with those he summoned, the pare (or parquet, th e enclosed area shown in the illustrations)5 was to be empty, an d so too was the space before the king's siege (or seat). Likewise, no one was to leave his seat (again siege) or come to si t near the king's lict except the chamberlains and those called by th e king 6. Thus the king had not only a special siege or seat, but also a /«t; the area in front of him was cleared of people t o guarante e privacy ; th e roya l chamberlain s ha d privilege d acces s t o him . The siege is clearly th e royal sea t o r throne, an d the lict mus t refe r to th e throne' s

The first three refer their readers to the royal portraits (many derived from royal seals) that are found in all eds. o f Du Tillet's work s excep t thos e o f 1578; the printed illustration s ar e based on th e elaborat e miniatures in the presentation copy of the Recueil des Roys for Charles IX, BN, fr . 2848, which appear to have been painted in the late 1540s or early 1550s , long before the Recueil was finished and presented to the king in 1566; rough copies (on parchment) were included i n SP, Fr. F. v . IV , no. 9; finer copie s (on paper) are found i n Geneva, Bibliothèque publique e t universitaire, MS fr. 84 . Yuri Malinin, Myra D. Orth, and Elizabeth Brow n hope to publish a study o f thes e illustrations i n the near future. Hervé Pinoteau provide s a n excellen t introduction , i n "Quelques réflexion s su r l'œuvr e d e Jean d u Tdlet," orig. pub. 1956/57 , rprt. with additions in idem, Vingt-cinq ans d*études dynastiques, 100-40 . Françoi s Avril gives a brief, perceptive analysis in "Jean Du Tillet," in Passion des monuments, no . 50.

4 Th e ordonnance of 1310 survives only in an English copy in a Gascon register; it must have been issued shortly before 30 July 1310: Textes relatifs à l'histoire de Parlement, ed . Langlois , 183-85 , no. CXXVT, and, fo r th e date, 186-87 , no. CXXVII; the ordonnance î s also publishe d in Gascon Register A, ed . Cuttino, 2:687-89, no . 329 . This ordonnance terminates wit h the eleventh o f wha t were 19 articles in the ordonnance on th e Parlement that Phili p V promulgate d a t Bourges on 17 November 1318: Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 1:674-76 (published fro m a printed cop y i n the "preuves d e l'histoire de s enfans de Philippes le Bel"). The copy of the ordonnance of 1310 in the Gascon register may possibly be truncated; i f s o th e provision t o b e discusse d belo w (articl e 12 of th e ordonnance of 1318) may dat e from 1310. A contemporar y cop y o f th e ordonnance of 1318 is foun d i n BN , lat . 9015, no. 35, three membranes o f parchment , formerl y joined , writte n i n a n earl y fourteenth-centur y bastar d chancer y hand; the first two membranes (which contain the regulations in Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 1:674-76 ) commence "Ce est lordrenanc e / que l i Rois fai t pour son parlement"; the thir d membrane , whic h begins "Cest la nouelle ordrenance qui nest pas onquore publiée," contains thirteen provisions that are not included in Ordonnances. A late-sixteenth- or early-seventeenth-century cop y was made from thi s roll when it contained an additional sheet listing "Articles des quiex le Roy se il li plest doit ordrener sa volente"; this transcription was acquire d by Le Nain and is preserved in AN, U 2013, fols. 466r-471v, where a note in a late-seventeenth-century han d on the initial page comments tha t the original was in the hands of [Antoine] Vyon, lord of Herouva l (1606-89), senior auditor of roya l accounts, who was a renowned an d generou s collecto r o f document s an d manuscript s an d assiste d suc h scholar s a s Père Anselme, Mabillon, Du Cange, Adrien d e Valois, and Le Nain d e TlUemont; see Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 18-19 n. 10,271 n . 48 (Fr. ed. 322 n. 10 , 385 n. 48); on Vyon's life and work, Delisle, Catalogue des actes de Philippe-Auguste, xlvi-vii ; "Elog e d e Monsieu r Vio n Seigneu r d'Herouval, " 348-52 ; Moréri, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique, 10:65 5 ("Vio n [Antoine ] seigneu r d'Herouval") ; Brown, "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians", 28-30 , 98-100 .

5 Cf . Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 5 2 n. 7 (Fr. ed. 334 n . 7) . 6 "Ite m que quant li Roys vendra emparlement / qu e le parc soit trestouz vuiz / e t ainsi soit toute vuide la

place / qu i est deuent son siege / s i que il puisse parler secrètement a ceus que il appelera pour parler a lui. Ite m qu e nu l n e se part e de so n siege / n e n e viegn e soie r dele z l e li t l e Ro y / le s chambellan s exceptez / ne ne viegne conseiller a li se il ne lapelle": BN, lat. 9015, no. 35, membrane 2; cf. the text in Ordonnances, ed . Laurière, 1:676 , nos . 16-17 , which has many variants.

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trappings, in all likelihood as shown in the pictures of the Artois trial. The provisions were repeated late r in the century in regulations issue d by th e Parlement itself7.

Why wa s th e sit e o f th e king' s thron e calle d a lict} Sain t Louis ' practic e o f dispensing justic e fro m th e foo t o f hi s be d ma y possibl y hav e influence d th e terminology use d t o describ e th e physica l characteristic s o f th e roya l spac e i n th e Parlement. Connections between the king's lit i n the Parlement and the lit where he slept were close , for, as the ordonnance of 1318 makes clear, the chamberlains, wh o guarded the king while he rested, were the only persons with free access to the king when h e sa t i n th e Parlement8. As wil l b e seen , th e grea t an d firs t chamberlain s would occup y positions o f specia l importance a t the sessions that were later termed lits de justice. Further , th e element s tha t comprise d th e roya l settin g - platform, footstool, cover , backdrop , curtains , an d canopy - were roughl y th e same as those that, in the middle ages , constituted a bed. Through the sixteenth century the name lit designate d th e mattres s o r stuffe d pad , covering , an d pillow s (an d sometime s backdrop, canopy , an d curtain s a s well ) whic h wer e employe d fo r sleepin g an d ceremonial purposes ; bedf rames were known as chaslits or couches9. Thus the chie f

7 Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 2:228 , nos . 14-1 5 (published a s a n anne x t o th e ordonnance on th e Parlement issued by Philip VI o n 11 March 1345); Laurière notes (ibid. , 224 n.; se e also 220 n. a ) that these ordonnances, found in the registers of the Parlement and the Chambre des comptes, were issued by the Parlement rather than the king. See AN, X lA 8602 , fols. 13r-14r, at 14r, undated ("Ci enshient les ordenances du parlement touchan t touz / especialmen t les parties qui ysont a plaidoier"). Cf . Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 1 9 n. 1 0 (Fr. ed. 322 n. 10) ; and Chéruel , Dictionnaire historique, 2:670 .

8 In the chapter on the grand chambellan in the Recueil des Roys, Du Tillet notes that "quand le Roy tient son lict de Iustice et trosne Royal le grand chambellain de france est couché a ses piedz"; he traces this custom to the fact that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the officer lay at the foot o f the king's bed "quand la Royne ny est": BN, fr. 2848, fol. 265v; SP, Fr. F. v. IV, no. 9, fol. 264v; Recveil des Roys, 300; the same passage is found in the Recueil des Roys for Henry II, BN, fr. 2854, fol. 263v; SP, Fr. F. v. IV, no . 8/1, fol . 241v; se e als o L a Roch e Flavin , Treze livres, 194 . As Du Tillet remarks , Pierre , chamberlain o f Loui s I X (1226-70), was buried at the king's feet, jus t as , while the king lived, he had slept a t the foo t o f th e king' s bed : Jean de Vïgnay's translation o f Primat' s chronicle , i n Recueil des historiens, 23:88 . Hanley seem s t o assum e that the prominence give n to the chamberlains i n the royal ordonnance resulted from the fact that they were in charge of the royal paraphernalia of the lit: The Lit de Justice, 17, 18-19 nn. 10-11 (Fr. ed. 28, 322 nn. 10-11); she notes the position of chamberlains at Uts de justice, i n ibid. , 52, 234 n. 14, 236 n. 23, 293 n. 29 (Fr. ed. 51, 377 n. 14, 378 n. 23, 392 n. 29). We discuss thi s question in some detai l below, 60, 64, 69-70, 71-72 , 73 , 80, 82, 84, 86 , 88, 91.

9 Havard, Dictionnaire, 1:658-69 , 3:370-7 7 (whose fanciful explanatio n o f th e lit de justice [3:399-401] overlooks the importance of the royal throne); Douet-d'Arcq, éd., Comptes de l'argenterie, 387 , s.v. lit; Baye, Journal, 2:lix-lx , nos. 136-41 , 151 (inventory o f May 1419); Marot, Œuvres complètes, 1:357-5 9 ("lict de camp," "couche," "pavillon," "boys du lict," "coissin," "couverture," "ciel"; poem written in 1520); Parent-Charon, "Nouveaux documents," 395 ("un lict et traversin de plume, une couche de boys de chesn e à pillier s tourne z pa r hault" ; marriage contract , Octobe r 1540); Françoi s d e Lorraine , "Mémoires," in Nouvelle collection, ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, 1s t ser., 6, 445-46 ("Le lict et le daiz de veloux"; June 1559). Cf. Scheller , "The «Lit de justice'," 193-202, esp. 1% at n. 14 ; Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 1 8 (esp. n . 9) (Fr. ed. 28, 321-22 n . 9). Writing in 1804 , France d'Hézecques believed tha t "un dais se nommait autrefois un lit" and therefore "on appela lit de justice le trône où le roi siégeait en cour de parlement": Souvenirs, 75 . Some twenty years earlier, Guyot declared that the name was applied to the king's throne in the Parlement because "dans l'ancien langage un siège couvert d'un dais se nommoit un Lit": Répertoire universel, 10:582 . In the last third of the thirteenth century Henry III had a painting of th e coronation o f Edwar d the Confessor, flanke d b y depiction s o f th e guardians of Solomon' s be d (Song of Sol . 3.7-8), placed behind the royal bed in the Painted Chamber at Westminster; paintings o f the triumphan t virtue s als o adorne d th e room : Binski , Painted Chamber, 33-69, 114-15 , nos . 1-9 . These paintings emphasized and suggest the ceremonial importance of the bed, and its connection with

21

connotation now evoke d b y th e word "bed " was no t associate d with th e medieva l and earl y modern lit, whos e component s wer e precisely thos e use d whe n th e kin g paid solemn visit s to hi s highest court .

On 24 July 1366 Charles V (1364-80) sent t o th e Parlement elaborate trappings , apparently new , to b e used "whe n i t pleases the kin g to com e to th e Parlement."I0

This apparatus consisted of a canopy (del), coverin g (couuerture), backdro p (cheue-cier), an d four pillows (orillers). Although th e representations o f the tria l of Rober t of Artois show no pillows, they depict the other elements that Charles V dispatched, and i t seem s fai r t o assum e tha t Charles ' apparatus replace d th e paraphernalia tha t constituted th e roya l parlementar y lit earlie r i n th e century . Th e record s o f th e Parlement that describ e thes e accoutrement s d o no t appl y an y collectiv e ter m t o them. Contemporaries , however , ma y wel l hav e use d th e designatio n lict tha t appeared in the ordonnance of 1318, and that was repeated when the provisions were reissued b y the Parlement itself later in the century 11.

Charles was well acquainted with the chambers of the Parlement. As dauphin and regent he had presided there in 1359, and on 13 November 1365 he attended a session soon after the opening of the Parlement to hear an important case ; on that occasio n the greffier civil simpl y note d th e king' s presence 12. Charle s very likel y decide d t o provide fresh trappings in 1366 because he deemed those that existed less than fittin g for th e loft y rol e tha t h e assigne d t o th e Parlement. Confirming th e Parlement' s officials soo n afte r hi s accession in 1364, Charles proclaimed tha t "the court o f th e Parlement represents th e imag e o f ou r majesty , fro m which , a s from th e fount o f justice, ou r subject s incessantl y dra w ou t an d bea r awa y th e fruit s o f justice" ; it s officers, h e said, would defend "th e republic o f justice" like a shield, "so that royal munificence wil l prosper , th e kingdo m b e exalted , an d th e stat e o f [our ] subject s

the king's majesty and his dispensation of justice: ibid., esp. 34-40,42-45. Similarly, the pavilion of the royal lict de camp described by Clement Marot in 1520 was richly decorated with images of Jesus, the garden of Paradise, and the heavenly Jerusalem with the tower of David: Œuvres complètes, 1:357-58 ; see also n . 34 below.

10 "Vendredj. au conseil . E t c e lour Guillaume d e feillo y varle t d e chambr e d u Roy . Apport a e n parlement de par le Roy. vn ciel vne couuerture & vn cheuecier. auec .iîij. orillers . touz neuz. de veluel. semez de fleurs de lis dor aux armes de france. pour tendre & asseoir en la chambre du parlement quant il plair a a u Ro y d i veni r toute s le s quelle s chose s on t est e baillée s a alfonde t l e cler c huissie r d e parlement - l e quel les a pris en garde de par le parlement pour les visiter & tendre quant mestier sera": AN, X 1A 1469 , fol . 146v ; Hanley , The Li t d e Justice, 1 5 n . 3 (Fr . ed . 26 ) (citing th e registe r o f th e Parlement but apparendy quoting from a later transcription); Le Paige, Lettre, 10 . Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 18-19 (cf. Fr. ed. 28), calls this event "the historic deposit of the ... drapery paraphernalia with the Parlement of Paris"; see also 15, 45 (Fr. ed. 26, 43); no evidence showing that similar paraphernalia had previously bee n kept elsewhere tha n in the Parlement is cited.

11 See 20-21 above. 12 Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 3:34 9 (2 8 May 1359); for 1365, Aubert, Histoire du Parlement, 1

(Organisation, compétence et attributions):167; AN , X lA 1469 , fol. 103r . Aubert implies tha t the king sat on a "siège élevé," but the clerk, Nicolas de Vlllemer, simply stated that "en la presence du Roy. en parlement fu plaidoie e l a cause criminele " which h e then records . Anothe r cas e heard the sam e day involved the archbishop of Reims . According to the clerk, the Parlement began to si t on 7 November 1365, but the proceedings for 13 November are the first proceedings noted in the register for the term; nothing i s sai d o f an y specia l openin g ceremonies . Afte r servin g a s civi l clerk , Villeme r becam e a councilor o f th e Parlement: Aubert, Histoire du Parlement, 1:23 1 n . 1 , 232, 233 n . 2.

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bettered."13 Thi s an d othe r simila r statement s reflec t Charle s V' s belie f tha t th e Parlement basked in his royal glory and was elevated with him. Thus the court must be splendid , particularly when th e king grace d its premises.

The apparatu s wa s doubtles s i n plac e whe n Charle s V appeare d i n tw o specia l sessions of the court, attended by representatives of the towns of France, to hear and consider demands made by the English14. These extraordinary sessions were held on 9 and 11 May 1369 (with a special meetin g o f th e king's clerica l an d noble adviser s convened i n th e chamber s o f th e Parlement on 10 May, Ascensio n Day , a cour t holiday); they resulted in the decision to make war against the enemy. The civil clerk of the Parlement took careful note of the array of notables, including the queen, who attended the two sessions , but he used no special term beside "Conseil" to designate the meetings . O f th e firs t h e wrote , "le Roy teint s a court en parlement, " of th e second, "le Roy teint s a court."15 Th e chronicle r o f Saint-Denis , wh o recorde d proceedings in similar detail, was only somewhat more expansive, remarking that the king "was in the chamber of Parlement, in the manner in which th e king of Franc e was customaril y there." 16 Thu s th e trapping s employe d fo r th e occasio n wer e apparently thos e traditionall y use d fo r roya l visits . The chronicle r considere d th e meeting at which the final decision was reached a royal "conseil ou assemblée tenue à Paris,"17 and neither hi s designation no r the descriptions o f th e civil clerk allud e t o justice o r majesty , term s tha t woul d soo n b e linke d wit h suc h sessions . The kin g himself, however , appears to have considered the meetings a special manifestation o f his highes t justice and , accordin g t o the chronicler o f Saint-Denis , repeatedl y use d the ter m "justice" when h e recounte d th e event to Empero r Charle s IV in January 137818.

Perhaps finally responding to the new royal paraphernalia in the court's chambers, the civi l cler k o f th e Parlement, Nicolas de Villemer, describe d Charle s V's visi t t o the Parlement on Monday , 15 November 1372, with wha t appear s t o b e unprece -dented detail and admiration. In recording proceedings on 13 November 1365 and in May 1369, the clerk had simply mentioned the king's presence or said that he held his

13 ".. . nostram Parlamenti Curiam, que nostre Majestatis ymaginem représentât, a qua, ut a fonte Justitie, nostri regnicol e fructu s Justiti e indesinente r exhauriun t & reportan t ... , per quoru m op e ram, Respublica Justiti e valea t clipe o defensari ; u t si c du m Reipublic e consulitur , Regali s prosperetu r munificentia a d exaltationem omnimoda m Regn i nostri , ÔC subditorum statu s in melius convalescat" : Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 4:418 . Cf . similar statements that Charle s made as regent on 18 October 1358 and on 19 March 1360, in ibid., 4:724-25. Cuttler (Law of Treason, 180) connects with Charles ' "exalted view o f the majesty of kingship" his revival of the solemn procedures for state trials that had been employed at the beginning of the fourteenth century, when the count of Flanders was prosecuted in 1315, and when Robert of Artois was trie d in 1331-32.

14 Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 4:137; idem, éd., Les Grandes Chroniques de France, 2:72 n . 1 . Delachenal (Histoire de Charles V, 4:136-43) provides a full analysi s o f th e events o f 9-11 May; h e gives numerou s quotation s fro m th e registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement, AN, X 1A 1469 , fols . 341v-42v.

15 Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 4:137 n. 1, 14 2 n. 2. 16 Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed . Delachenal , 2:7 3 ("f u e n l a chambr e d e Parlement , e n l a

manière que le roy de France y a acoustumé d e estre"). 17 Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed. Delachenal, 2:116; Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 2:143 n.3. 18 Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed. Delachenal, 2:248 ("le fait et la justice du bon droit"), 254 ("par

voie ordenée d e justice"), 255 ("deffendre s a bonne justice contre ses ennemis").

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court in the Parlement. Not s o in 1372. In that year the royal session occurred three days afte r th e solem n openin g o f th e Parlement. At th e openin g th e chancellor , Guillaume de Dormans, addressed the tribunal ("a la recommendacion du parlement & de la chambre ou il est tenu") on the theme, taken from Isaiah , "Iusticia habitauit in ea" ; ordonnances were read ; lawyers an d procurators too k thei r oaths 19. Three days later, when the king visited the tribunal's Conseil, the clerk declared that he held his Parlement "in hi s person , sittin g i n hi s majesty, " an d tha t wit h hi m wer e th e cardinal of Beauvais , the archbishops o f Lyon, Rouen, and Sens, "with a number of bishops and abbots, princes and barons, both of hi s lineage and others."20 The only business mentioned i s the hearing of a case involving the community o f Crandelai n and th e religiou s o f Saint-Jea n o f Laon 21. Bu t th e cler k - and doubdes s othe r observers - were affected b y the ceremony of th e royal visit and perceived th e king presiding ove r his court a s enthroned i n majesty .

Charles' intens e concer n wit h th e justic e dispense d i n hi s Parlement may hav e fostered the invention of the name lit de justice to describe the parlementary lit. True, ordonnances issued by the king in the Parlement were generally said, as before, to be promulgated by the king in his court or in his Parlement. However, subde semantic elaborations wer e occurring that heralded late r developments .

On 21 May 1375 Charles attended the Parlement. He did so for the registration of a solem n ordonnance regarding th e roya l majorit y tha t h e ha d promulgate d nin e months earlier , i n Augus t 1374. In th e king' s view , thi s edic t wa s criticall y important: he had issued i t to ensure that his heir would b e considered of ag e when he entered his fourteenth year . The terminology use d to describe the session differ s from traditional usage, perhaps reflecting the significance attribute d to the session in which the edict was formally registered . The register o f parlementary ordonnances, the leas t elaborat e an d mos t conventiona l o f th e sources , use s th e phras e "i n su a magnificentia Regia" to describe the king, recalling the formula "en sa maieste" that Nicolas de Villemer employed in 1372. "This law or royal constitution," the register states, "was read and published in the Chamber of the royal Parlement at Paris, in the presence o f ou r lor d th e kin g i n hi s roya l magnificence , holdin g hi s sai d Parle-ment."22 Tw o othe r declaration s ar e markedl y differen t an d fa r mor e developed ; both featur e th e king' s justic e a s wel l a s hi s majesty . Th e first , i n French , wa s

19 AN, X tA 1470 , fol . lr. The chancellor' s firs t tex t wa s 2 Cor. 11:1 ("Utinam sustinereti s modicum" ) (garbled i n the greffiers account); the second i s taken from Isa. 1:2 1 ("Quomodo fact a es t meretri x Civitas fidelis, plena iudicii? Iustiti a habitavit in ea, Nunc aute m homicidae") an d presumably serve d as the occasio n fo r th e chancello r t o remin d th e cour t o f it s dut y t o improv e th e stat e o f justic e i n France.

20 "Lundj ... l e Roy en sa personne séant en sa maieste teint son parlement fie ly assistèrent monsieur le Cardinal de Beauuez le s arceuesques d e lion de Rouan Se de Sens auec plusieurs Euesques fie abbes / princes fie barons tan t de son lignag e que autre s / fie les Seigneurs du parlement des Greffe s fie de la chambre des comptes": X lA 1470 , fol. lr .

21 Crandelai n is located some ten kilometers south o f Lao n (Aisne). 22 "Hec le x se u constituti o Regi a lect a fuit fie publicata i n camer a parlament i Regi i parisiu s présente

domino nostr o Reg e i n su a magnificentia Regi a dicto su o Parlamento tenent e [sic] assistentibus sib i ...": AN, X 1A 8602 , fol . lxxvj/78v; Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 6:30-31, esp. 26 n . a; cf . Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 4:534-35 n. 7. De Thou, well informed regarding the ordonnance^ contents and the three copies which were preserved yet imprecise concerning its date, wrote that it was promulgated "in senat u reg e praesente et magna principum a c procerum et omnium regn i ordinum corona" ; th e

24

attached t o on e o f th e copie s o f th e ordonnance preserved i n the roya l archives . I t proclaims, "This la w or royal constitution was published in the king's Parlement, in his presence, and himself holding his justice in his Parlement in his royal magnificence or majesty." 2* Th e second , i n Latin , wa s appende d t o th e cop y o f th e ordonnance deposited at the abbe y of Saint-Denis: "This law or royal constitution was published in the Parlement of our lord the king in his presence and then presiding in the throne of his royal majesty and holding his justice " u Thu s statements prepared by official s close to the king stress the holding of justice in connection with the promulgation of an ordonnance that the king deemed signally significant, and, further, with the king's magnificence an d hi s majesti c position o n hi s throne .

The ne w dictio n affecte d th e officia l accoun t o f Charle s V's proceeding s agains t Jean o f Montfort , duk e o f Brittany , accuse d o f treaso n an d brough t t o tria l o n 9 December 137825. Although, traditionally, the register declared that the king "held his Parlement in th e chamber of th e Parlement of Paris , where were summoned th e peers of France," it went on to describe Charles as "seated in his royal majesty, in the manner accustome d when he sits for justice, an d nea r t o hi m wa s th e dauphin." 26

Here again, as in 1375, the king was said to be sitting in majesty for justice. None o f these statements mentions the king's lit, but they strikingly emphasize his justice and the majest y o f hi s appearance , facilitatin g a semanti c developmen t tha t wa s no t necessarily inevitable .

The new phrases might have been forgotten. "Th e royal throne" might have been dubbed "th e thron e o f justice." 27 I n fact , however , th e roya l lit attracte d th e modifier, thu s producing , b y th e en d o f Charle s V's reign , the lit de justice. Onc e

later Frenc h translatio n say s tha t th e kin g wa s " y tenan t so n li t de justice": Historiarum ... Libri, 2:354; Histoire universelle, 4:548 .

23 "Ceste loy on constitucio n Roya l fu publiée ou parlement du roy en sa presence et deparlui tenant sa Iustice en sondi t parlement en sa magnificence o u maieste Roya l le xxie lour de may lan de grace mil ccclxxv": A N, J 401, no. 6; Les edicts et ordonnances, ed. Fontanon , 2 !:828-30, at 830; Ordonnances, ed. Laurière , 6:3 0 n . g; the piece of parchment i s now detached from the copy there designated as the "troisième Original" (AN, J 401, no. 6A/AE II 395A), for which see Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 6:26 n. a; the editors* "premier Original" of the ordonnance is AN, J 401, no. 6B, the second AN, J 401, no. 6C.

24 "Hec lex seu constituti o Regia publicau fuit in parlamento domini nostri Regis ipse présente et tunc in Regie maiestati s soli o présidente e t Iustitiam sua m tenente" : AN , K 51 A, nos. 1 and 1 bis; se e Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 6:3 0 n . g ; Felibien, Histoire de l'Abbaye Royale de Saint-Denys, pièces justificatives, cxxxj-iv , at cxxxiij.

25 Th e trial is diseased in Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 5:241-51; and in Cutder, Law of Treason, 97-98.

26 ".. . le Roy nostresire tint son parlement en la chambre de parlement a paris ou quel estoient adiorne les pers de france . . . l e Roy nostresir e estoi t assi s en sa Maieste Royal e n la Manière quil a accoustume quant il set pour Iustic e et assez près de lui estoi t Monsieur le dalphin": AN, X lA 1471 , fol. 135v ; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:433 ; Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed . Delachenal , 3:213-19 no - XXIX, a t 214-15; D u Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 390 ; ibid., 342, 344 350 * and hi s treatise on the judgment of rebels, BN, Dupu y 240, fol. 91v; Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V 5:242 n . 5 . Th e Godefroy s (Le Ceremonial François, 2:431-34) present tw o additiona l sources relating to the assembly of 1378. The first, taken from a register of the Parlement, simply says that th e kin g "tin t so n Parlement"; the second , a n excerp t fro m Bertrand d'Argentré' s history o f Brittany (to 1558, published in 1588), states that "le moyen que tint le Roy Charles V. contre ledit lean de Montfort» c e - ^ ^ e l* aPPe^er e n form e de Iustice par deuant luy, & ceux de son Sang."

27 D u Chesne £ es Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys de France, 712 ("Throne de iustice")' ; idem , Les Antiqvitez et Recherches des Villes, 1:29-30 .

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introduced, the term became popular. Like many names, it came to be invested with more tha n a singl e meaning . Thes e semanti c developments , however , modifie d neither th e natur e o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e kin g an d th e Parlement nor th e nature of roya l visits to the tribunal .

The term was coine d before Charle s V's death in 1380, although i t may no t hav e been widel y used . O f it s currenc y a t th e roya l cour t ther e ca n b e n o doubt . Describing a royal judgmen t rendere d i n the Parlement, a poem complete d i n 1377 stated tha t "becaus e o f th e solemnit y o f th e occasion , th e lit de justice wa s mad e there."28 The poem was allegorical, and the monarch who issued the decision was not identified a s Charle s V, yet it s testimon y i s importan t sinc e th e wor k wa s closel y linked to the king and his court. The poem was commissioned in 1359 by King John II (1350-64) for hi s fourt h so n Philipp e (1342-1404). Its autho r wa s Gace d e la Buigne, Charle s V' s firs t chaplai n b y th e tim e th e poe m wa s finished . L a Buign e knew th e roya l cour t intimatel y wel l an d would hardl y hav e referre d t o th e lit de justice ha d th e ter m no t bee n employe d a t court . Whe n o r ho w i t originate d i s unclear, bu t Charle s V' s interes t i n th e roya l parlementar y paraphernali a an d hi s lofty conception of the king's judicial role suggest that the elaborate formulas of 1375 and 1378 had some connection with the invention o f th e name. We have discovere d no trace of the phrase in any surviving parlementary record of Charles V's reign, but, as will be seen, it might have been found in accounts of ushers of the Parlement such as those o f 1388-1419, where the phrase recur s repeatedly .

Whenever the name lit de justice was invented, the reign of Charles VI (1380-1422) witnessed it s adoptio n t o designat e no t onl y th e roya l parlementar y paraphernali a but also sessions at which the apparatus was in evidence. Like his father, Charle s VI held the court i n high regard . In 1403 he termed i t "supreme and capital , the foun t and origin of justice o f th e whole kingdo m o f France." 29 As i n his father's day , the registers of the Parlement recorded the impressive regality tha t was perceived whe n he visited his court. On 9 July 1386 the king "was in Parlement in his royal majesty," accompanied by "his uncles the dukes of Berr y and Burgundy, his brother the count of Valois, and many other great lords" - all this to hear a case involving a wager of

28 **Le roy est en son siege ale, / Prè s du noble palaiz pavé, / E n la chambre de parlement, / Par é de noble parement / Et les sieges tout environ, / O u sont assis li hault baron. / .. . Le lit de justice y fu fait / Pou r la solempnit é du fai t ..." : Gac e d e l a Buigne , Le roman des déduis, 9 3 (prologue) , 278-79 , lines 5299-5316. Gace's life , his death in 1384/5, and th e date of the poem ar e discussed, ibid. , 5, 7-8 . The library assemble d b y Duk e Philipp e o f Burgund y (fo r who m th e wor k wa s composed ) an d hi s descendants containe d a number o f copie s o f th e poem : De Winter, La bibliothèque de Philippe le Hardi, 137-38 . Hanley cites and discusses La Buigne's verses (The Li t de Justice, 25-26, cf . 1 9 [Fr. ed. 33, 28 ) in advancin g th e ide a tha t th e phras e wa s create d b y parlementar y usher s "t o describ e important new duties," although the poem antedates by some ten years the first appearance of the term in surviving parlementary records .

29 ".. . prefata Curi a nostra suprem a si t & capitalis, Fon s ecia m & origo Justitiae tociu s Regn i nostri" : Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 8:61 7 (1 3 November 1403); Dupuy, Traité de la Maiorité, 561 . See als o Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 7:28 1 ("souverain e d e tou t nostr e Royaume , & doi t estr e exempl e & mirouoir de toutes les autres Cours," 3 June 1389); 290 ("tocius Justicie dicti Regni nostri speculum & origo," 1 5 August 1389); 584 ("l a Cour t Capital e & Souverain e d e nostre Royaum e & exempl e de s autres," 19 November 1393); 786-87 ("Souveraine d e tout nostr e Royaume, & doit estr e exemple & mirouir de toutes les autres Cours de nostredit Royaume, " 3 June 1391).

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battle30. An even greater and more impressive group of attendants, including the king of Armenia, two lay and three ecclesiastical peers, and numerous other high-ranking clerics, princes , an d nobles , wer e wit h th e kin g whe n h e cam e t o th e cour t o n 2 March 1387 for the posthumous trial of Charles the Bad, king of Navarre. Again, as in 1386, the register of the Conseil of the Parlement declared that the king was "in his Parlement in his royal majesty." 31 The aur a of majest y doubtles s resulte d from th e special decor and trappings, surely those that his father had sent to the court . Thus the registe r o f th e Conseil retained traditiona l phraseolog y t o describ e th e king' s visit. Anothe r record , however , say s tha t Charle s presided "i n Parlement in state , and holding his royal seat in the chamber decked with cloths of his arms and with the lit de justice, i n the accustomed manner." 32 The assertio n that the way in which th e king was seated was "accustomed" not only indicates that the decor had been used in the pas t bu t als o suggest s wha t L a Buigne' s poe m confirms : tha t th e apparatu s designated a s th e lit de justice ha d fo r som e tim e bee n give n thi s name . The ter m quickly entered common parlance. Two years later, in 1389, a tableau for the Parisian entry o f Quee n Isabea u o f Bavari a showe d Sain t Ann e reclinin g o n a lit richl y decorated as for the king's chamber, and according to Froissart the lit was called the lit de justice™. A poe m compose d b y Clemen t Maro t i n 1520 suggests wh y Sain t Anne la y o n th e bed . I n hi s "Chan t roya l de la conception," Marot describe d th e king's lict de camp, "la dign e couch e o ù l e Ro y reposa, " whose pavilio n wa s decorated with holy scenes . At the end of the poem Marot humbly offered th e king his interpretation of the ensemble. "I take," he said, "the pavilion for the sterile Saint Anne, the king for God, who has his repose in heaven. And Mary is (as the Gospe l

30 "C e lour le Roy nostresir e a est e e n parlemen t e n s a maieste Roya l & on t est e e n s a compaigni e Messieurs les dus [sic] de berry & de bourgongne ses oncles / e t Monsieur le conte de valoys frère du Roy nostresire et plusieurs autres grans seigneurs / e t a este plaide vn gaige de bataille": AN, X 1A 1473, fol. 145v . Famiglietti discusses this judicial duel between Jean, lord of Carrouges, and Jacques le Grix, in Tales of the Marriage Bed, 137-41.

31 ".. . fu t le Roy nostresir e en son parlement e n sa maieste roial": AN, X lA 1473 , fol. 294v. 32 ".. . e n Parlement en estât, & tenant son Siege Royal en la chambre parée des draps de ses armes, & du

Lict de Iustice en la manière accoustumée": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:437; the readings in AN, U 79 0 (on which se e below) are similar, although that copy read s "sa chambre"; the copy i n BN, Clairambaul t 715, p. 423, which contain s man y awkwar d variants , read s "de draps. " The Godefroys are unclear regarding the source of the record containing this important statement. Notin g the difference betwee n i t and the two other accounts which they published (Le Ceremonial François, 2:435-37, 440) , they hypothesize d tha t it had been extracted from a criminal register and "the other" from a civi l register . I n al l likelihood , however , the y too k thi s an d th e followin g accoun t fro m a collection o f disparat e material s regardin g th e tria l tha t wa s compile d i n th e sixteent h century . A seventeenth-century transcriptio n of the collection, copied in a single hand, is found in AN, U 790, unfoliated, "Interogatoires & depositions ...," esp. items 8 ("Extraict des registres du Parlement") and 9 (no source) (cf. Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:440, 437-39); Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 20 n. 14 (Fr. ed. 322 n. 14). The fourth item, an extract from the registers of the Parlement for 16 June 1378, was signe d "Du tillet," which suggest s tha t th e collectio n o f excerpt s ma y hav e bee n made in preparation fo r th e simila r posthumous tria l fo r treaso n o f Charle s III , duk e o f Bourbon , i n 1527, when Séraphin du Tillet was civi l clerk of th e Parlement.

33 ".. . su r ce chastel ung lit paré, ordonné et encourtiné aussi richement de toutes choses, comme pour la chambre l e roy , e t estoit c e li t appell e l e li t de Justice; e t là en ce li t par figure et par personnage s e gésok madam e saint e Anne" : Froissart , Œuvres, 14:10-11 . The passag e is discusse d i n Bryant , The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony, 178-80; and Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 28-29 (Fr. ed. 36).

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truly states ) 'la digne couch e o ù l e Ro y reposa.'" 54 Thu s th e kin g become s God , lying figurativel y wit h Ann e t o produc e th e Blessed Virgin. The scen e a t Isabeau' s entry ma y thu s hav e suggeste d tha t b y divin e interventio n sh e an d Kin g Charle s would produc e hol y children . Bu t i f th e lit wa s th e lit de justice, th e tablea u als o suggested that in this lit th e monarch, inspired by th e Hol y Spirit , begat justice.

The phrase wa s surel y applie d t o th e saint' s lit becaus e i t resemble d anothe r lit, that of the king in his Parlement. Sources emanating from the Parlement demonstrate that the term was common there. As the accounts of the parlementary ushers for the period 1388-1419 show, b y 1388 one o f th e chie f usher' s principa l duties wa s "t o make the lit de justice when the king is there in person."35 The name was repeatedl y used in the accounts to designate the rich apparatus displayed when the king visited the Parlement. In 1390 it wa s remove d an d pu t i n orde r whe n th e chambers wer e prepared for pleading involving the duke of Lorraine ; with other furnishings i t was refurbished i n 1393; in 1396 a los t ke y t o th e ches t housin g it s draperie s wa s replaced; later in the year it was set up for proceedings concerning Pierre of Craon; it was move d i n June 1400, apparently whe n th e weddin g o f Jea n o f Bourbo n an d Marie of Berry temporarily displaced the Parlement; it was erected on 26 May 1413 and later dismantled36.

Impressive as the apparatus was, official record s of action s taken in the chambers

34 "Prince, je prens, en mon sens puerile, / L e pavillon pour saincte Anne sterile ; / L e Roy, pour Dieu, qui aux cieulx repos a ; / E t Marie est (vray comme l'Evangile ) / L a digne couche où l e Roy reposa": Marot, Œuvres complètes, 1:357-59 ; see Jackson, "Anzeichen de r Vergôtterung," 100 .

35 Th e formul a which introduce s th e firs t accoun t declare s tha t th e ushe r (Jehan Waure) ha d bee n "commis de par le Roy nostresir e et par nosseigneurs tenant icelli parlement A Reparer les Chambres audit parlement et des enquestes Et y fair e plusieurs Choses ace conuenables et neccessaires par an Et pour fere [sic] le lict de Iustice quant le Roy nostredit seigneur y est en personne": AN, KK 336, fol. lr . Similar formulas appear through fol. 16 r (the account o f Raoul l e Noir fo r 1395) . For 13 % and later years (fol. 24 r and following ) i t was replace d b y a simple introductio n t o th e annua l roya l lette r o f commission, which said (fol. 24r) that the money assigned to the usher was to be spent "tant en bûche a faire feu es chambres dudit parlement et des enquestes comme en nates en clos tu re de huis Refeccion s et Reparacions d e paremens de verrières de fenestres e t autres choses neccessaire s e s dittes chambres tant pour le parlement séan t lors comme pour le parlement prouchain après auenir." In 186 2 Edgard Boutaric first emphasize d th e importance of thi s registe r an d cite d excerpt s fro m it : "Recherches archéologiques sur le Palais de justice," 1-70, esp . 36-58; cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 17 n. 7 (Fr. ed. 321 n. 7). The ushers whose accounts are included i n the register are Jehan Waure (1388-95), Raoul le Noir (1395-1402/3) , Pierre Noel (1402/3-1408), and Pierre Belle (1408-19); cf. ibid., 16 n. 4 (Fr. ed. 320 n. 4).

36 The followin g phrase s ar e found i n AN , K K 336: ".. . dauoir Retenu vise et appareillie ... tou s le s paremens des dictes Chambres et du lit de Iustice" (fol. 3r, quittance of 21 June 1393); "mistrent apoint le li t de justice pour plaidoyri e d u duc de lorraine" (fol. 7v , 1 8 June 1390; see also fol. 6v) ; "pour l e coffre o u que l son t le s drap s de paremen t d u lic t d e Iustice " (fol . 21v , 13%) ; "pour fair e l e lic t d e Iustice / quant le Roy fu en parlement pour le fait de messire Pierre de Craon" (fol. 22r, April 1396); "a Reparer et maçonner vn mur de grosse cloison par lequel fu mis & passe vn grant coffre o u quel son t les paremens du lit de Iustice du Roy nostresire" (fol. 55r , see also fols. 53v-54r; June 1400); "Pour le Lit d e Iustic e fai t xxv j d e may M CC C xiiij . [sic]" (fol. 165r ; 26 Ma y 1413) . These entrie s an d th e payment on 12 October 1400 for linen to wrap the paremens o f the lit de justice (fol. 53v) indicate that when not in use elements of the lit de justice were carefully stored. In the early seventeenth century Du Chesne said that when the king was not present, the space of the lit was simply adorned with "ordinary cloths decked with golden fleurs de lis**: Les Antiqvitez et Recherches des Villes, 1:136. Writing a few years later La Roche Flavi n said that the royal canopy wa s kept in place when the king was in Paris: Treze livres des Parlemens, 386.

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of th e Parlement did not always mention it; customary formulas have great powers of enduranc e an d ar e notoriously resistan t t o change . No r i s ther e an y reaso n t o think that , excep t in name, th e apparatus used a t the end of th e fourteenth centur y under Charles VI differed in any substantial way from that employed during Charles V's reign. Although the usher's account shows that the lit de justice was in place on 22 June 1390 for th e prosecutio n o f th e duk e o f Lorraine , th e registe r o f th e Parlement's Conseil simply state s tha t "befor e th e kin g holdin g hi s parlement was pleaded a case betwee n th e roya l procurator an d the duke." 37 On othe r occasions , however, th e clerk s di d not e th e lifs presence . Thi s happene d whe n Charle s V I attended th e cour t o n 3 December 1392 for registratio n o f hi s confirmatio n o f Charles V's ordonnance on th e majority 38. Fou r years later , o n 10 April 1396, the king sat in the Parlement to hear opinions concerning the pardon that he had granted to Pierre of Craon . The clerk recording the morning pleadings noted that when th e king came t o th e palace an d held his council , th e lit de justice (no t simpl y lit a s in 1392) was erected39. Another official, th e criminal clerk, stated that in the Parlement "was held the lit de justice" wit h the king presiding in a high seat toward the back or "head" (chevet) of th e lit. A numbe r o f la y magnates and ecclesiastics occupie d th e places reserve d fo r th e tribunal' s official s a t pleadings , an d th e kin g wa s seate d higher, wit h th e chancellor , constables , an d marshal s a t his feet . O n tha t day , th e clerk continued , "th e Council was held in the king's presence with closed doors , at which ther e remaine d onl y thos e wh o wer e o f th e Council , an d al l other s wer e excluded"40.

37 "Deuant le Roy tenant son parlement fut plaidee vne cause entre le procureur du Roy nostresire dune part e t l e du c d e lorrain e dautr e part": AN , X IA 1475 , fol. 77r ; see als o fols. 81r-82 r (the decisio n rendered on 2 July 1390, which the king may have delivered ["Finablement appoinci e est par le Roy"]); cf. fol . 242r (another decision rendered in the case, which does not mention the king ["Appoincie es t que le duc"]) . Jean Willequin was no t ye t greffier civil; hi s predecessor , Jouvence, lived unti l July: Boutaric, Actes du Parlement de Paris, l:cliii . Calmet discusses the case in Histoire de Lorraine, 3:353 , 373-405. The conflict betwee n the dukes of Lorraine and the monarchy aroused great interest in later years. The rise o f th e hous e o f Lorrain e i n th e sixteent h centur y le d t o th e collection o f numerou s copies o f relevan t material s i n th e 1540 s and 1550s , some o f whic h were certifie d b y Jean du Tillet: AN, J 681, nos. 31-32 , 37, 44, 46. A lengthy decre e issued on 1 August 1412 was printed i n Paris in 1634 (Arrest dv Parlement de Paris ... Contre Charles 2.).

38 "La cour t cessa d e plaidoierie z / pource qu e le Roy tin t en s a personn e l e parlament [sic] I en s a magnificence / e t fai t l e li t e n l a chambr e / e t f u publié e l a confirmacio n faict e pa r l e Ro y d e l a constitucion que fist le Roy charle s son père sur ladoption du gouuernement du Royaulme par le fil z du Roy": AN, X1A 1477 , fol. 14r ; cf. Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 20 n. 15 (Fr. ed. 29); DuTillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 395-% ; and als o Ordonnances, ed . Laurière , 7:517-2 2 (the confirmation, issued at Paris by the king "in Consilio suo magno," in November 1392). Arrangements for th e regenc y i n cas e th e kin g die d befor e hi s so n entere d hi s fourteent h yea r wer e mad e i n ordonnances issued by the king in Paris in January 1393: ibid., 7:530-38.

39 "C e lour le Roy vint au palais / e t fu drecie le Ht de Iustice. Et tint le Roy son Conseil ou quel furen t plusieurs d e messieur s d e so n san c e t tou t so n grant conseil / & tous le s maistre s de s chambre s d e parlement & de s enqueste s pou r le s cause s & pa r l a manièr e plu s aplai n contenue o u Registr e d e conseil": AN, X 1A 4784, fol. 87r ; the relevant register for the Conseil is missing. Famiglietti discusses Pierre de Craon's relation s with Charles VI, in Royal Intrique, 2.

40 ".. . l e Roy nostresir e fu en la grant chambre de parlement & jllec fu tenu le lit de Iustice / & le Ro y assis en l a haulte chaiere près du cheve t du di t li t / E t a u coste dextr e .. . e t du coste senestr e .. . e t estoient tous les dessus nommez assi s sur les sieges ou messieurs de parlement se sient communément quant on plaide en la court de céans / mai s le Roy estoi t assiz plus hault assez & a ses piez estoit [sic]

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Thus, by metonomy, the phrase lit de justice wa s extended from apparatu s to the solemn occasions when it was displayed. In this period, such occasions were diverse. The extant evidence suggests that the personalities an d preoccupations o f individua l monarchs significantl y affecte d th e purpose s fo r whic h the y attende d ceremonia l assemblies. Charle s V convened a solemn sessio n o f th e Parlement when h e se t the age o f majorit y fo r futur e king s o f France . O n th e othe r hand , whe n h e wa s seventeen, Charle s VI , a grea t sportsman 41, sa t "i n hi s roya l majesty " t o hea r pleading involvin g a wager o f battl e betwee n tw o obscur e personages . Precedent s like thes e adde d t o th e confusio n o f thos e wh o late r attempte d t o determin e th e nature o f th e lit de justice.

assis monsieur le chancellier le connestable & le s mareschaulx d e France / Et est assauoi r que cellu i lour fu tenu en la presence du Roy le conseil a huys cloz auquel ne demourerent fors ceulx qui estoient du conseil & fist on widier tous autres / Auque l conseil...": AN , X2* 12, fol. 300r ; see also Pichon, Mémoire sur Pierre de Craon, 23-26 (in Mélanges de littérature, 1 [1856], 120-24). No referenc e to this source is found in Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 20 (Fr. ed. 29); ibid., 16-17 (Fr. ed. 27) (esp. n. 7 of th e American ed. , wher e th e translatio n o f th e usher' s accoun t i n th e tex t render s "fait* ("matter " o r "affair") a s "trial"; 20, 119 (Fr. ed. 29, 113) . The usher of the Parlement recorded the court's expense s in preparing to receiv e the king: AN, K K 336, fol. 22r. Boutaric provides information abou t Jean de Cessières, who prepare d this register, in Actes du Parlement de Paris, l:ccxxii-vi .

41 Famiglietti , Royal Intrigue, 13 .

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III. LI T DE JUSTICE, APPARATU S A N D I N S T I T U T I O N , I N T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U R Y

The clerk of the Parlement who in 13% employed the term lit de justice t o designate an important sessio n o f th e tribuna l i s unlikely t o have been the first t o do so . Hi s usage was not unique. Discussing Charles V's devotion to justice, Christine de Pizan wrote in 1404, "To hold justice, o n many occasions i n his time, according to nobl e and ancient customs, he in person held in his palace in Paris, sitting on his imperial throne between his princes and wise men, the lit de justice, in cases reserved to him to decide, wit h solemnitie s establishe d b y ancien t custom." 1 Christine' s statemen t shows tha t she recognized i n th e ceremonial occasion s o n which Charle s V visited the cour t th e sam e institutio n tha t b y th e earl y fifteent h centur y th e clerk s o f th e Parlement were designating th e lit de justice, an d she may have termed Charle s V's sessions lits de justice because his contemporaries had done so2. In any case, the usage was becoming commo n in the early fifteenth century , althoug h the term continue d to connote th e physical realit y to which i t was first applied .

In Le miroir de manage, writte n betwee n 1404 and 1407, the poe t an d roya l official Eustache Deschamps (1346-1406/7) featured the lit de justice as an emblem of the king' s dut y t o rende r justic e i n th e Parlement and elsewhere 3. Accordin g t o Deschamps, when Blanche of Castile was struggling against the nobility of France to gain th e regency an d protect her young so n Loui s I X an d the kingdom fro m thei r conflicts, she appeared in the Parlement to deliver a ringing speech, which won all to her side. There she had placed "a beautiful lit, richly decked," on which the king was seated. In Deschamps* eyes, this lit symbolized the miraculous concord achieve d on that occasion. "I n remembrance of this," he wrote, "i t was established that forever-

1 "Pour justice tenir, lui en personne, maintes fois en son temps, selon les nobles ancienes coustumes, tint en son palais à Paris, séant en trône imperial, entre ses princes et sages, le lit de justice es cas, qui sont reservez à terminer à lui, à telz solemnitez députe z d'ancien e coustume" : Christin e d e Pizan, Le livre des fais, 1:62 . Cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 17 n. 32 ("Christine de Pisan ... describes the Hit de justice' as royal space in the Palais de Justice where the king sits in order *to hold justice' "); cf. Fr. ed. 325 n. 32.

2 Solente, who edite d Christine' s work, believes , following establishe d tradition , that Charles held onl y three "true" (véritables) lits de justice (i n 1369, 1375, and 1378). Thus, she suggests, Christine used "lit de justice" to apply "à tous les jugements que le roi rendait lui-même, et non pas seulement aux lits de justice propremen t dits" : Le livre des fais, 1:62-6 3 n . 4.

3 Dickmann discusses the poem in Eustache Deschamps, 61. Gaston Raynaud considers Deschamps' close connections wit h Paris , the Parlement, and the roya l court , i n Deschamps, Œuvres complètes, 11:14 , 33-34, 40-42, 53. He dates the poem 1381-% on unconvincing grounds: ibid., 11:164-200, esp. 165-66, 197-99. A colophon (ibid. , 9:388) suggests that the work was unfinished becaus e Deschamps became ill and died, and we see no reason to contest this statement: Hoepffner, Eustache Deschamps, esp. 22, 103, 114, 117 . Hanley quote s from and discusses the poem, in The Lit de Justice, 26-27 (Fr. ed. 33-34); the translation in the American ed . differs fro m ours.

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more the lit would be made in every place where the kings gave judgment and wore the holy crown of France." "Because of this," he continued," the lit i s still deploye d and called th e lit de justice. Thi s i s auspiciou s t o remembe r wheneve r a king mus t properly com e t o hi s Parlement or sit s fo r justic e elsewhere." 4 Thu s Deschamps associated the lit de justice with the king's highest office, th e dispensation of justice in the servic e o f peace . I n hi s verses , a s i n thos e o f Gac e de la Buigne , th e lit wa s a physical objec t rathe r than , a s fo r Christin e de Pizan, a n occasion , bu t th e signa l symbolic importance that Deschamps attributed to the parlementary lit makes it easy to understand ho w th e lit com e to stand for the impressive sessio n a t which i t was displayed.

The materia l connotatio n o f th e phras e wa s stil l dominant , particularl y i n th e official record s of the Parlement. On 26 December 1407 Charles VI appeared in the Parlement to issue yet another solemn ordonnance on the majority. When his father had gone to the Parlement for a similar purpose in 1375, no source linked the session with the lit de justice, althoug h official declaration s emphasized the magnificence and majesty of the occasion an d said that the king was holding his justice and presiding from the throne of hi s royal majesty. The semantic developments that had occurred in th e intervenin g year s wer e reflecte d i n th e differen t term s tha t contempora -ries use d t o describ e Charle s VF s sessio n o f 1407. The ordonnance issued o n 26 December retained the traditional formula, referring to King Charles "tenant son Parlement." However, i t als o mentione d th e presence o f th e physica l lit de justice, stating that the decree was publicly read "in the Grand' Chambre of our Parlement at Paris, wher e wa s erecte d th e lit de justice.'95 A privilege d an d knowledgeabl e commentator went beyond this and, in the style of Christine de Pizan, referred to the assembly itsel f a s "a manner o f lit de justice, wher e wer e mad e variou s ordonnan-ces."6 This statemen t wa s writte n b y Jean Juvenal des Ursins th e younger , whos e father (1360-1431) became advocat e genera l o f th e Parlement of Pari s in 1400, later serving as chancellor an d president o f th e Parlement of Poitiers . Juvenal des Ursins himself (1388-1473) was onl y ninetee n whe n th e sessio n o f 1407 occurred; h e became a royal councilo r an d master of request s i n 1416, and h e acte d as advocat e general in the Parlement of Poitier s unti l 1432, when he embarked o n an illustrious career i n th e church , culminatin g i n hi s appointmen t a s archbisho p o f Reim s i n

4 "Fu t establi qu'en remembrance / D e c e miracle et celle paix / Seroi t l i liz a tousjours mai s / E n tous lieux ou les rois seroient / Pou r jugement et que tendraient / D e Franc e la saincte couronne, / Fais ; et pour ce encor on l'ordonne / Et l'appel!' on lit de justice, / Qu i est a remembrer propice / Toute fois que roys proprement / Doi t venir en son parlement / O u qu'il siet pour justice aillours": Œuvres complètes, 9:307, lines 9522-33; see also 305, lines 9434-41.

5 "Donnée s & leues publiquement e t à haulte voix en la Grant Chambre de nostre Parlement à Paris, où estoit drecié le Lit de Justice . .. Par le Roy tenant son Parlement...": Ordonnances, ed . Laurière, 9:269.

6 ".. . i l y eut vne manière de Lict de Iustice tenu, où on fit plusieurs Ordonnances" : Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI., 190. Of th e session Enguerran de Monstrele t (d . 1453 ) wrote tha t "le roy . . . vint en la chambre de Parlement, qui noblement estoi t préparée, et sist personèlement en siège royal": Chronique, 1:170 ; see La Roche Flavin, Treze livres des Parlemens, 284. A minor nobleman and officia l with Burgundia n sympathies , Monstrele t wrot e a chronicl e o f th e year s li*)0-44 , whic h h e bega n sometime after 1422, relying on his own recollections and perhaps on notes that he had made: Molinier and Polain, Les sources de l'histoire de France, no. 3946.

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14497. He knew the milieu that he described in his history of the period from 1380 to 1422, and the vocabulary that he used was acquired in the official circle s in which he moved. Hi s referenc e t o th e assembl y o f 1407 as " a manner o f lit de justice" ma y possibly reflec t th e expande d rang e of significatio n tha t th e phrase acquire d in th e next decades . I t is fully a s likely, however , tha t his terminology accuratel y mirrors the words h e heard his father use to refer to th e session .

The phrase's two connotations , materia l and institutional, coexisted . Further, the "magnificence" stressed during the reign of Charle s V continued t o b e emphasized. Thus, Miche l Pintouin , chronicle r an d mon k o f Saint-Denis , wrot e tha t whe n Charles VI hel d a council o n 31 December 1409 to discus s th e reformation o f th e kingdom and the war with England, he did so "in magnificence,... in the chamber of the Parlement beside [juxta] the lit de justice, sittin g on the royal throne, to confir m the state of the present matters."8 Pintouin's use of these different terms suggests that in hi s eyes , a s i n Deschamps', the settin g i n whic h th e kin g preside d provide d ancillary officia l endorsemen t o f th e occasion' s solemnity . Th e meetin g o f 1409 in fact occurre d no t i n th e Grand ' Chambre of th e Parlement but rathe r in th e Sall e Saint-Louis, and it was a general assembly (curia or grant conseil) attended by princes of the blood and barons. Nonetheless, the chronicler's use of the phrase lit de justice demonstrates its popularity and shows that the lit de justice had become as important a hallmark of the king's regality as the magnificence an d the throne in which he sat9. In officia l record s th e ter m wa s soo n employe d t o refe r t o institutio n a s wel l a s apparatus. With Jean Juvenal des Ursins the younger, the parlementary usher Pierre Belle an d th e civi l cler k o f th e Parlement, Nicolas de Baye , invested i t wit h institutional significanc e durin g th e critica l month s o f 1413 when th e Parlement became an arena of intens e political conflict .

The chang e i n th e significatio n o f th e ter m lit de justice neithe r reflecte d no r effected an y alteration in the occasions that the phrase designated. Royal session s in the Parlement to discuss legislation, hear pleadings petty an d great , and witness th e registration of important ordonnances had long occurred. The change was linguistic, not substantive. Still , the emergence of the dignified institutional title after a reign in which Charle s V had insisted with special eloquence on the exalted functions o f th e realm's highest tribunal is unlikely to have been coincidental. The name emphasized the king's power to dispense and enforce justice in the Parlement, and this aspect of

7 The life and career of Juvenal des Ursins are discussed in the "Notice sur Jean Juvénal des Ursins" that introduces the rprt. of his Histoire in Nouvelle collection des mémoires, ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, 1st ser., 2:335-38; see also Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 2:46—47; and Molinier and Poulain, Les sources de l'histoire de France, no. 3574.

8 ".. . baronibus regni sui Parisius curiam indixit generalem ad reformacionem regni , et ut négocia publica industrio moderamin e regerentur , quatinu s optat a trans quilitate pleb s gauderet , regn i quoqu e statu s prospero cursu procederet... Et ut huic regina et dux Guyenne intéressent, eos reges Navarre et Sicilie, prenominati quoqu e duce s e t duodeci m comité s ultima die dominica decembri s Parisiu s i n magnific o apparatu adduxerunt . Sequen u igitu r di e Mart i s, qu e fui t mensi s decembri s ultima, re x i n camer a Parlamenti juxt a lectu m justici e sedens i n thron o regal i a d firm and urn rerum presencium statu m ...": Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, 4:282. This wor k an d the author' s identit y ar e discussed i n Spiegel, Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis, 123-24, relying o n Grévy-Pons and Ornato , "Qu i es t l'auteur de la chronique latin e de Charles VI," 85-102.

9 Nicola s d e Baye (Journal, 1:305-7) refers t o the assembly as "u n grant conseil" and notes that it was held in the Salle Saint-Louis; he does not mention the lit de justice.

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royal authority became particularly important during the reign of Charles VI, a king whose lapse s fro m sanit y wer e increasingl y frequen t betwee n 1392 and 1422, and were common knowledge 10.

Toward th e en d o f Ma y 1413, Charles VI wa s face d wit h demand s fo r refor m advanced b y a Parisian factio n know n a s the Cabochiens, wh o wer e supporte d b y Jean (the Fearless) , duk e o f Burgundy 11. Accordin g t o th e mon k Miche l Pintouin , the Cabochiens requeste d tha t the reform ordonnance drafted a t their insistence b e registered "magnificently , wit h [th e king ] presidin g o n [his ] roya l thron e besid e \juxta] th e lit de justice followin g th e custom of [his] predecessors."12 This terminol-ogy i s almost precisely th e same as the phraseology th e chronicler use d t o describ e the assembly o f 1409, and unless Pintoui n wa s putting words int o th e Cabochiens* mouths, thei r demand witnesses th e importance attributed t o session s o f th e Parle-ment at whic h th e lit de justice wa s i n evidenc e - as wel l a s th e belie f tha t suc h sessions possessed a long history. Indeed, when on 26 and 27 May the king presided over solemn meetings of the Parlement to deal with the demands of the Cabochiens, the court' s register s state d tha t th e kin g "hel d hi s lit de justice"; s o to o di d th e account o f th e usher of th e Parlement and a contemporary repor t of th e reading o f the ordonnance, apparently drafte d fo r th e duk e o f Burgundy 13. Th e onl y extan t fifteenth-century cop y o f th e ordonnance (preserved i n a luxurious exempla r pre -pared fo r the king ) contains n o closing formula , sinc e i t simply narrate s the edict' s contents, but its title declares that the ordonnance was issued "by the king of France Charles VI, holding his lit de justice i n hi s great Parlement at Paris." M Jean Juvenal

10 Maugis, Histoire du Parlement, 1:523-24 ; Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, 1-21. 11 Famiglietti give s background , in Royal Intrigue, 107-25. 12 ".. . ordinaciones regias , quas instanter supplicamus in regali Palacio hac presenti ebdomad a publicari ,

utque magnificenciu s fiat , vobi s regal i soli o juxt a lectu m justici e mor e predecessoru m vestroru m présidente [sic]": Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:48. Famigliett i treats the registratio n o f royal ordonnances , in "Role of th e Parlement," 217-25 .

13 AN, X 1A 1479 , fol. 244r ("le Roy nostresire en sa personne .. . a tenu son lit de iustice," 26 May); fol. 244v ("tant a matin qu e après disner Tint le Roy nostresir e ... son Lit de iustice," 27 May); see als o AN, X 1A 4789 (the register of morning pleadings), fol. 458v (wrongly cited as 26 May 1412, in Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Pans, 1:521 n . 2); Baye, Journal, 2:114-15; AN, KK 336, fols. 165v , 174r (the account of the usher Pierre Belle; on fols. 165r and 173r appear references to the lit de justice as "fait"); Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 398 ; Coville, L'Ordonnance Cahochienne, 184-8 5 (the account o f th e reading: "tenant le lit de justice," "a tenu ledit lit de justice"). The register of th e Conseil of the Parlement for 5 September 1413 refers to the ordonnances issued in May as having been read "en la dit e chambr e l e Roy auss y tenan t so n li t de iustice": AN , X 1A 1479 , fol . 263v. Hanle y attributes t o Baye the introductio n o f " a semantic change, " and sh e conclude s tha t "th e phras e . . . attained brie f prominenc e throug h th e whi m o f parlementar y clerks , no t fo r an y constitutiona l reason": The Lit de Justice, 21-25, esp. 23, 25 (Fr. ed. 31-33, esp. 31, 33; "une evolution sémantique"; "le caprice de deux greffiers") .

14 "Ordonnance s faictes par le Roy de france Charles vje tenant son lit de Iustice en son grant parlement a paris Ou moys de may lan mil CCCC et douze [sic]": BN, fr. 5273, fol. 23r, and see also fol. lr , where the same statement (lacking "a paris") appears in the introduction to the table of contents; see Coville, L'Ordonnance Cahochienne, 1 (esp. n. 1 , for th e erro r i n dating) . Covill e (ibid- , ci-xi ) list s th e manuscript source s an d earlie r eds . o f th e ordonnance. BN, fr . 5273, a splendi d cop y o n vellum , contains the headings of th e articles of the ordonnance (fols . lr-13r), a gathering (fols. 15r-22v, wit h fol. 22 blank and lined) that, beginning in médias res ("les aucunes toutes destruictes et les autres trop durement dommaigees") contains the terminatio n of counse l give n to the duke of Normand y b y th e three estates in 1356, and finally (fols. 23r-114r) the text of the ordonnance. It was once (see fol. Bv) a

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des Ursins the younger, who believed the king absent, described the assembly as the duke of Guyenne (heir to the throne ) "tenant comme vn lict de Iustice."15

Because o f th e pressure unde r which th e ordonnance was issued , an d because i t was not properly discussed (as the Parlement itself declared), Louis Adrien Le Paige would late r view thi s sessio n a s "the beginning o f th e suppression o f th e liberty o f the Parlement in the lits de justice," and he took pleasure in recounting the abolition of th e ordonnance on 5 September 141316. This session was termed a lit de justice i n the records of the Parlement: the lit de justice was erected; a lit de justice was held17. The Cabochiens ha d fle d fro m Paris , an d a t thi s meetin g Charle s VI cancele d th e reform ordonnance published i n May and annulled edicts imposing penalties on the followers o f th e duk e o f Orléans18. The terminatio n o f th e lette r regardin g th e

part of th e roya l library at Blois. A single miniature (fol. 23r) depicts the king enthroned, carrying a scepter m his lef t han d an d extendin g hi s right han d t o receiv e a rol l (containin g th e ordonnance) presented by a delegation of hi s subjects.

15 In Histoire de Charles VL, 254, Jean Juvenal des Ursins say s tha t th e partisan s o f th e Cabochiens "feirent venir Monseigneur le Daulphin, Duc de Guyenne, en la Court de Parlement, tenant comme vn lict d e Iustice" ; Famigliett i discusses thes e circumstances , i n Royal Intrigue, 123. Enguerran de Monstrelet, perhaps less technically minded , depicted the king as sitting "en estât royal": Chronique, 2:362. Jean l e Fevre (d . 1468), herald of th e duke of Burgundy , copie d thi s phraseology i n hi s ow n chronicle: Chronique, 1:85 .

16 ".. . sous la faction de Bourgogne,... la liberté du Parlement a commencé d'être opprimée dans les Lits de Justice": Le Paige, Lettre, 20 , and cf. 37-38 . The court's account of proceedings in the Parlement on 5 September 1413 stressed tha t "certeinne s lettres appellees edits " ha d bee n "surrepticemen t & obreptissement empêtrées & non deument ou par conseil et le roy inaduerti," and that the Ordonnance Cahochienne (termed "certeinnes escripture s qu i pa r manièr e d'ordonnance s avoien t naguere s est é faictes par aucuns commissaires") had been published "sans anctorité deue et forme non gardée , sans les adviser et lir e a u Roy , n e e n so n Conseil , n e estr e advis é pa r l a Cour t d e Parlement , mai s soudainement e t hâtivement" : AN , X 1A 1479 , fol . 263v ; Baye , Journal, 2:140-41 . Jean Juvenal des Ursins the younge r commente d tha t th e Ordonnance was abrogate d "aussi que les ancienne s [ordonnances] souffisoient bien & n'en falloi t aucun e autre" : Histoire de Charles VL, 265 . See also Viollet, "Quelque s textes," 158-64.

17 O n 5 September 1413 the Conseil of the Parlement sat in the Toumelle criminelle "pource que la grant chambre estoit occupée, adrecier le lit de iustice & la parer," and on that day "le Roy nostresire . . . tint son li t de iustice en sa chambre de parlement": AN, X 1A 1479 , fol. 263r-v ; Baye , Journal, 2:140 .

18 Ordonnances, ed . Laurière , 10:170-73 ; Famiglietti , Royal Intrigue, 134-35 ; Hanley , The Li t d e Justice, 22-2 3 (Fr . ed . 30-31) . O n the cancellatio n o f th e refor m ordonnance, see als o th e passag e quoted from Du Tillet, in Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 10:140-41 ; but cf. the index, cxxxv , where the editors, Louis-Guillaume d e Villevault an d Louis-Georges Oudar t Feudrix de Bréquigny , wrongly state that Du Tillet tore up the ordonnance in the king's presence. Of the assembly (which he wrongly dates 8 September) Monstrelet (Chronique, 2:403 ) wrote, "le Roy fis t en la chambre de parlement en son lie u acoustumé. " Monstrele t gives (ibid. , 6:109-15) a versio n dated (surel y incorrecdy) 12 September 1413 of th e lette r o f 5 September concernin g th e Orléanist party, whic h differ s i n phraseology bu t no t i n substanc e fro m th e cop y o f th e lette r o f 5 September i n th e registe r o f th e Parlement (published i n Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 10:167-70 ; and, i n a Lati n translation , i n Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:184-94). A versio n of th e lette r foun d i n a cop y o f Monstrelet's chronicle (Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 10:173-77; taken from "Monstrelet, Volume l, fol. 177, verso," for which see also ibid., 10:167 n. a) conflates th e text of the letter of 5/12 September with that of a royal letter of 18 September 1413 (Monstrelet, Chronique, 6:116-23) which details the attacks of the Cabochiens on the king, queen, and dauphin on 28 April 1413, and condemns the perpetrators as traitors. Th e editor s o f Ordonnances (10:16 7 n. a , 173 n. a ) remarke d tha t Monstrelet' s lette r o f 12 September was "filled with mistakes and omissions" ("remplies d e fautes & d'omissions") bu t that they had decided to print it because it was "fuller" ("plus amples"). Famiglietti give s background, in Royal Intrigue, 100-101.

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Orléanists describes th e kin g a s "in his Parlement holding hi s lit de justice ."l9 Th e Latin decree abolishing the reform ordonnance was warranted "by the king, holding his lit de justice i n th e chambe r o f Parlement"; it state d tha t h e promulgate d it , "holding ou r lit de justice there " ("nostru m ibide m tenente s Lectu m Justicie") 20. These, th e firs t know n appearance s o f th e phras e lit de justice i n roya l warrant y clauses, witnes s th e respectabilit y wit h whic h th e institutio n wa s no w invested . Those wh o drafte d th e ordonnance were no t alon e i n attributin g institutiona l significance t o th e name . Accordin g t o Miche l Pintouin , th e Universit y o f Pari s issued a formal declaration on 1 December 1413 referring to a letter that the king had issued in September, "whil e he held the lit de justice i n his Parlement."21 The affair s treated a t the assemblie s calle d lits de justice helpe d t o guarante e thei r renown an d ensure that the name used t o designate the m was not forgotten .

A cas e hear d befor e th e Parlement within tw o year s o f th e abolitio n o f th e ordonnance reveals th e commo n us e an d th e powe r o f th e phrase . Doubtles s a s a result of the attention focused o n the lit de justice durin g the tumultuous conflicts o f 1413, the term appeared i n the argument s presente d b y th e king's lawyer s whe n i n 1415 they defende d Charle s VI' s revocatio n o f th e donatio n o f th e castellan y o f Beaurain, which he had made to Jean, lord of Croy, on 28 January 1413 and annulled nine months later22. Croy was an important servant of the crown and held the office s of roya l chamberlai n an d grand bouteiller o f France . H e ha d suffere d i n the king' s service an d richly deserve d compensation . The king' s councilor s oppose d it , how -ever, because of the strategic importance of Beaurain , which had long been attached

19 "Par le Roy tenan t son Li t de Justice en sa Court de Parlement": Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 10:170 . The text o f th e edict state s that the kin g was actin g "en nostre Parlement tenan[t] le Lit de Justice": ibid., 10:169. See als o Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:192 ( a Lati n versio n of th e letter , which state s tha t th e ordonnance was issue d b y th e kin g "existente s i n nostr o Parlamento , tenente s lectum justicie") ; 5:194 (Pintouin's versio n o f th e terminatio n o f th e letter , "datu m i n curi a nostr a Parlamenti Parisius , prope lectum justicie").

20 ".. . in dict a Parlament i Camer a ... nostrum ibide m tenente s Lectu m Justicie . . . Datum Parisius , i n dicti nostr i Parlament i Camer a ... Signât . Per Regem, suu m i n Parlament i Camer a Justicie Lectum , tenentem": Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 10:172-73 .

21 Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, 5:19 8 ("du m i n Parlamento suo lectu m justicie teneret"). 22 Pleadings i n th e Parlement o n 1 3 and 1 6 August 1415 are found in AN , X 1A 4790 , fo l 310r-v . Th e

royal donation of 28 January 1413 (AN, J 200, no. 13 ) was issued by the king "en son grant conseil": the letter is ed. from a copy in the archives of the Croy family, in Thielemans, "Les Croy," 44-51, no. 11. On 17 February 1413 Croy pledged to return Beaurain (and other lands given to him by th e king on 4 May 1412) in exchange for a payment of cash fifteen times the value of the lands' annual income: AN, J 200, no. 14; ed. from a copy i n the archive s o f th e Cro y family , i n Thielemans, "Les Croy," 35-41, no. 9; see als o ibid. , 48-49, no. 11 (a ful l descriptio n o f th e term s o n whic h th e kin g coul d recover the lands); and cf. AN, X IA 4790, fol. 310v ("si non en ly rendant du denier .xv."). Modern-day Crouy i s locate d 18 kilometers northwes t o f Amien s (Somme, ar. Amiens , c . Picquigny) , an d th e castellany o f Beaurai n wa s som e te n kilometer s southeas t o f Montreuil-sur-Me r (Pas-de-Calais , ar . Montreuil-sur-Mer, c. Campagne-lès-Hesdin , cne. Beaurainville) . W e ar e gratefu l t o Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r he r help wit h th e document s concernin g Beaurain . Thielemans give s back -ground informatio n o n th e lif e o f Jean (wh o woul d die d a t Agincourt o n 25 October 1415), on th e Croy family , an d o n thei r relation s wit h th e crown : "Les Croy," 7-9; see als o Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 5:636-37 ; 8:374-75 , 565 ; and, for a detailed analysi s of Jean's career, Famiglietti, Tales of the Marriage Bed, 163-73.

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to the crown23. Hence, on 24 October 1413 Charles canceled the gift. He justified his action b y invokin g th e ordonnance of revocatio n an d non-alienatio n o f th e roya l domain promulgated i n the great council on 28 February 1402 (which, he said, had been issued "t o keep without infringing , a s we ar e held to do, the oath taken by us when we were consecrated, and particularly to guard the rights of our crown and not to alienate our domain or put any part of i t outside of our hand")24. The letter was warranted by th e king, the archbishops o f Sen s and Bourges, and other councilors , and it was duly read and published "i n Curia," on 16 January 1414 25. On 13 August 1415 the royal procurato r genera l Jean Haguenin argue d that even i f Cro y had had the donatio n verifie d i n th e Chambre de s compte s (where th e roya l lette r wa s registered), thi s wa s invali d i n vie w o f th e ordonnance of 28 February 1402; this particular instanc e wa s n o exception , h e declared , sinc e "ther e wa s a n edic t an d revocatory lit de justice concernin g such things."26 The procurator's reference to the ordonnance of 1402 was quit e explicit , an d h e referre d t o th e edic t agai n o n 16 August 1415. Responding t o Croy' s argumen t tha t the donation ha d been made on the king's word and "with great solemnity," the procurator proclaimed that "the king's wor d a s regard s a n ordonnance made i n council , especiall y a s regard s th e maintenance o f hi s domai n (whic h th e kin g i s boun d t o hold ) bind s hi m muc h

23 On 13 August 1415 the royal procurator described Beaurain (AN, X1A 4790, fol. 310r) as "membre [de monstreuil et] tresbelle terre & chastellenie qui vault vje. lb. de rente. & a este to us tours en la main du roy"; Charle s V had attached Beaurain to the crown (AN , J 361, no. 3) in June 1368.

24 ".. . pou r teni r san s enfraindre ainsi que tenu z sommes l e sermenz pa r nous fai z quan t nou s fume s sacrez & autremen t & par especia l de garde r le s droicz de nostre couronne e t no n aliéne r nostr e domaine ne metre aucune partie diceluy hors de nostre main": BN, fr. 23950, no. 6 (an exemplification of the king's letter by Andry Marchant, guardian of ûie prévôté of Paris , dated 18 January 1414); for the ordonnance of 1402, Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 8:484-86 . On 13 August 1415 the roya l procurator declared that "fu ordonne ou conseil du roy que icelle terre seroit mise en la main du roy": AN, X tA, fol . 310r . Again, we thank Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r help with the royal letter. Charles' statemen t provide s additiona l evidenc e tha t h e swor e a n oat h o f inalienabilit y a t hi s coronation, which Jackson questions: Vive le Roi/, 76-77, 241 n. 28 (Fr. ed. 74-75). Jackson cites the references t o a coronatio n oat h o f inalienabilit y i n Charle s VI' s ordonnance of revocatio n o f 28 February 1402 (mentioned four rather than three times): Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 8:484-85; we do not agree with Jackson that the repeated references "[give ] the impression of insisting too much on its actuality" ("l'impression d'insiste r u n peu tro p sur son authenticit é e t son existenc e même") . He does no t mention the clause of th e Ordonnance Cabochienne (ed . Coville , 35-37, no. 89, at 36) in which the king stressed that "nous en nostre sacre et noz prédécesseurs avons juré et promis garder et tenir le s droi z d e nostredict e couronn e e t nostredic t demain e entiers , san s le s aliéner , donne r n e départir, comme qu e ce feust, e t recouvrer, rajoindre et reunir ce qui en seroit aliéné."

25 BN , fr . 23950, no . 6. 26 ".. . e t s i crouy a verification en la chambre des comptes ce ne vault, veue la reuocation de .ccccj . e t

mesme a ce cas especial, et si a edict & lit de iustice reuocatoire. de telx choses et s i faut considérer le temps qu i estoi t lor s moul t dangereux . E t quoiqu e [q'q'] sit. Il plait au roy d e mettre l a terre en sa main, i l es t cle r qui l lu j fau t obéir" : AN , X 1A 4790 , fol . 310r-v . See als o Thielemans, "Le s Croy, " 44-51, no. 11, at 49 (the king's instructions to officials o f the Chambre des comptes), 51 (registration in the Chambre des comptes). On Haguenin , se e Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:60-61, 326; Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:392 ; the tw o royal advocates wer e André Coti n an d Guillaume le Tur. Aubert discusses the procurator general's special duty to defend th e royal domain, in ibid., 1:147-51, esp. 150 n. 2 (a letter to the Parlement of 11 December 1461 regarding Louis XI' s donation o f th e county o f Guînes to Jean's son Antoine, lord of Croy) .

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more."27 Th e procurato r di d no t allud e agai n t o th e "edic t an d revocator y lit de justice concerning such things," nor is it clear to what he was referring. His words are vague, and if he was thinking of the ordonnance of the Cabochiens (which contained a clause concerning revocation o f alienate d domain) 28 the abrogation o f th e edict in September 1413 clearly undermined hi s argument. He very likely decided to include the allusio n i n hope s tha t th e solemnit y associate d wit h a n edic t issue d i n a lit de justice woul d impres s th e opposition .

Surviving parlementary records of th e mid-fifteenth centur y are patchy, and there is littl e evidenc e regardin g roya l visit s t o th e Parlements of Pari s an d of Poitier s -and, consequently, littl e regarding the fate of th e lit de justice29. Th e institution was, however, no t forgotten . Whatever the actua l circumstances , the author of th e Geste des nobles franqoys declare d tha t i n Decembe r 1420 Henry V "cam e t o th e roya l palace an d a s hei r o f Franc e afte r th e deat h o f th e kin g hel d th e lit de justiceZ'30

The phras e wa s use d a s well t o describ e a n apparatu s displaye d i n tableaux a t th e

27 ".. . & promist a ce luj garantir en parole de roy"; "et a ce que dit de la reuocatoire elle ne regarde pas ce cas qui fu fai t a grant solemnite" (Croy's arguments , AN, X 1A 4790 , fol . 310r) ; "et ny fai t ce que di t crouy d e parole d e roy ca r la parole du roy a u regart dordonnance fait e e n conseil e t par especial au regart de son demainne garder a quoy est tenu le roy le lie trop plus" (response of the royal procurator, ibid., fol. 310v). In awarding Beaurain to Cro y o n 28 January 1413 the king promised "en parolle de roy, garenti r et deffendre" th e gift : Thielemans , "Les Croy," 45, and se e als o 48 (two additiona l references t o the promise "e n parolle de roy").

28 Coville, L'Ordonnance Cabochienne, 35-37, clause 89; see n. 24 above. 29 Writing in the last third of the sixteenth century René Choppin (1537-1606) stated that on 8 May 1431

Charles VII condemned Louis of Amboise for treason by decree of the Parlement, "estant en son lit de justice": Traité du domaine, i n Œuvres, 2: 69 (the first ed. cited in the BN catalogue of printed books is 1588, although in his article on Choppin i n Dictionnaire de biographie française, Prévos t says that an ed. appeared in 1574). Citing Le Nain's inventory , Hanley say s that Charles "visite d the Parlement at Poitiers in 1431" for this purpose: The Lit de Justice, 28, although cf. ibid., n. 35 (Fr. ed. 34,325 n. 35). In fact , however , th e Parlement seems t o hav e waite d o n th e kin g fo r th e pronouncemen t o f th e decision: AN, J 366, nos. 1 (issued by the king at Poitiers on 8 May 1431). The king issued his decree "veu pa r nous e t nostre conseil presens ac e les presidens et conseillers lays de nostre dicte court de parlement" following investigatio n b y th e la y member s o f th e Parlement and roya l councilors ; a notation o n th e fold-u p declare s "Pa r Arrest & Iugement du Roy tenan t so n parlement." André of Beaumont and Antoine of Vivonne were similarly sentenced: ibid. , nos. 2-3; the three decrees are ed. in Champion , "Note s sur Jeanne d'Arc .. . V. Le complo t d e Loui s d'Amboise, " 183-93 ; see als o Ledain, Histoire de la ville de Bressuire, 236-38 ; 307-12 , no . 1 6 (decree agains t Beaumont) . Stei n points ou t (Le Palais de Justice, 46) that Empero r Sigismun d visite d th e Parlement in 1416 to hea r pleadings. Littl e discusse s th e record s o f th e Parlement of Poitier s betwee n 1418 and 1436, in The Parlement of Poitiers, esp . 216-23. In a letter to us dated 15 August 1991, Dr. Little reports finding n o reference to a lit de justice i n any sources relatin g to the Parlement of Poitiers ; he comments tha t th e absence of lits de justice i n this period is not surprising , since governmental organ s south o f the Loir e were constantl y bein g modified i n order to survive .

30 Guillaum e Cousinot, Chronique de la Pucelle, 179-80, ch. 181 (entiried "Lit de justice tenu o u parlement par le roy Anglois") . The Journal o f Clement de Fauquembergue, greffier of th e Parlement of Paris , contain s n o referenc e t o an y visi t o f Henr y V t o th e court . Whe n Henr y V I sa t i n th e Parlement on 21 December 1431, a contemporary Parisian stated that he was "en estât royal," and that the Parlement was also "en estât*': Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, 278, no. 595. Fauquembergue noted the preparations made for the visit and the ceremonies held for the king's entry to Paris , but "lack of parchment an d th e eclips e o f justice " ("deffectu m pergamen i et eclipsim justicie") , h e commented , prevented him fro m givin g details o f th e entr y and , presumably, th e roya l sessio n o f th e Parlement: Journal, 3:25-26 (cf . 2:345-46) , 27-2 9 ("L e Roy tin t le Parlement"); see Boutaric , Actes, l:xxiii.

38

entries int o Pari s o f Henr y V I (1422-61) in 1431, and o f Charle s VII (1422-61) in 1437 31.

Under Charle s VII th e tradition o f th e lit de justice wa s perpetuated throug h th e trial for treaso n o f Jean II , duke of Alençon32. The trial was originally planned t o b e held a t Montargis , bu t o n 20 July 1458 the kin g ordered i t transferre d t o Vendôme because o f pestilenc e i n th e Orléanais33. When finall y hel d i n Septembe r an d October, the trial was attended by the peers of France, the members of the Parlement of Paris , and many othe r roya l officials . The session was immortalized i n a splendi d miniature, attribute d t o Fouquet , whic h wa s painte d soo n afte r th e tria l (fig . S) 34. There ar e depicte d th e magnificen t paraphernali a familia r fo r a t leas t a century , which were presumably employe d a t Vendôme. The apparatus would have reminded the recalcitrant nobility that , as Charles of Orléans remarked i n a speech at the trial, God place d th e kin g i n th e real m o f Franc e "a s hi s lieutenan t an d representin g hi s presence."35 A t las t the kin g was i n a position t o brin g the nobilit y t o heel .

In th e absenc e o f parlementar y record s o f th e proceedings , i t i s impossibl e t o know ho w official s o f th e cour t describe d th e session 36. A parlementary memoran -dum prepared befor e th e trial said that the king should b e "present an d sitting in hi s court an d roya l majesty" - the expressions tha t ha d bee n associated repeatedly wit h solemn session s o f th e tribuna l sinc e th e day s o f Charle s V. Bot h th e tex t an d th e warranty formula o f the royal decree against Alençon refer to the trial as held befor e

31 Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 30-31 (Fr. ed. 36-37); Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony, 180-81.

32 Beaune discusses Charles ' posthumous reputation , in "L'historiographie de Charles VII," 265-81. 33 The royal letter of 20 July 1458 and other documents concernin g the trial are published in Anselme,

Histoire généalogique, 3:258-[68; male 254], esp. 261-62. The decre e agains t Alençon (1 0 October 1458) also mention s th e mortalité that cause d th e transfe r o f th e trial : Vallet de Viriville, ed. , Jean Charrier, Chronique de Charles VII, 3:91-110, esp. 93. See also Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, 6:187 (date of transfe r to Vendôme), 19 7 n. 1 (sources for the decree against Alençon).

34 The miniatur e appropriatel y enoug h illustrate d a Frenc h translatio n o f Boccaccio' s well-know n De casibus virorum illustrium. The manuscript's first owner was Laurens Girard, in 1458 a royal secretary and financial officer : Durrieu , Le Boccace de Munich, 14; for his career, see also BN, fr . 204%, no. 3 (20 September 1461). Vallet de Viriville analyzes the miniature, in "Lit de Justice," in Curmer, Œuvre de Jehan Foucquet, 2following 106, F-F-F (24 pages an d index) ; se e als o idem , "Notic e d'un manuscrit." Also useful ar e Durrieu, Le Boccace de Munich, 30, 51-55; Pleister, ed . and tr., Giovanni Boccacio, Die neun Bûcher; Vale, Charles VII, 205-8; Bozzolo, Manuscrits des traductions françaises d'oeuvres de Boccace, 124-26; Hanley , The Li t d e Justice, 39-4 1 (Fr . ed . 40 , fig. 2 following 256). A similar illustration is found i n London , Britis h Library, Royal 20. c . ix, fol. 299v.

35 "E t estes appell e très Crestien ro y qu'i l [Dieu] vous a mis pour estre ou royaume de France, comm e son lieutenant e t représentant s a présence": Champion , Vie de Charles d'Orléans, 542-48 , at 543.

36 I n 154 8 Jean du TiUet vainly attempte d t o obtai n fro m th e crimina l cler k o f th e Parlement, Nicolas Malon, the record of the "procès et Jugement" of 10 October 1458 against Alençon; doubtless because of the phraseology employed in the king's decrees regarding the trial, he referred to the assembly as the "parlement garny des pers": BN, fr. 17294, fol. 29v, a canceled entry in a memorandum to be discussed below, 78-80 (esp. n . 20, [D u Tillet's eventua l discovery o f a copy o f th e assiette for the assembly]) ; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:26 1 (letter of 20 July 1458: "nostredite cour de parlement garnie de pairs"); Charrier, Chronique, 3:9 4 (decree of 10 October 1458: "nostre dite cour [de parlement] garnie de pers et autres"). In 1537 clerks of the Parlement were apparendy unable to find material relating to the trial: see 63 n. 8 below.

39

the kin g sittin g i n hi s cour t o f Parlement, attended b y peer s an d others 37. Th e assiette,, or lis t o f thos e i n attendance , leave s n o questio n o f th e splendo r o f th e occasion, a s the kin g preside d fro m hi s roya l throne , surrounde d b y hi s officials , with his lieutenant, the count of Dunois , and the chancellor sittin g at his feet, al l on cloths decorate d with fleurs de lis™.

Georges Chastellain , th e generall y impartial , officia l chronicle r o f Burgundy , witnesses tha t the lit de justice wa s associate d with th e trial . Hi s descriptio n o f th e session at Vendôme focuses on the ordering of the assemblage, with a space reserved for th e dauphin , an d o n th e ric h cloth s adorne d wit h fleurs de lis that decke d th e benches, but earlier in his account he twice declared that the king wished to "mettre sus le lit de justice" in order to condemn Alençon and possibly others 39. The phrase "mettre sus" is ambiguous, since it can mean "setting up" (i. e., the apparatus o f th e

37 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 3:25 9 (parlementary memorandum : "présent & séant en s a cour & majesté royale") ; also in D u Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 403-5 . The decre e o f 10 October 1458, included b y Charrier in hi s Chronique, 3:94 , refers t o "nostr e dite court de parlement" and to "nous [the king] scéans en nostre dite court garnie de pers et autres à ce appeliez. " The warrant y o f th e original decree reads , "Par le roy en s a court garnie d e pers et autre s appelez . Halligret": Nantes , Archives départementales of Loire-Atlantique, E 221/5. We are grateful t o X. du Boisrouvray, Conservato r général of th e Archives départementale s of Loire-Adantique, who gra -ciously transcribe d th e clause for u s an d answered severa l question s about th e act . Notation s o n the back of the document, he informs us , give its original location (Armoire L, cassette B). An anonymous account of the trial, first published by Dupuy (Traitez, 459-83 , at 464, 466, 470, 472) includes similar phrases ("sa Cour garni e de Pairs, Princes & Seigneurs": "Le Roi, en une des séances étant dans so n throne"; "le Roi séant en son siege") but says that when the final decree was read, "Le Roi . .. tint son lict de Justice"; also ed . (a s "Procès crimine l d e Jean II, duc d'Alençon . 145 8 e t 1474." ) in Archives curieuses, 1st sen, 1:137-57, at 143, 144, 147 , 148.

38 BN , fr. 5738, fols. 17r-18v; fr. 5943, fols. 33v-34r; see also Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 405-6 , an d cf . 348 , 351 ; idem, Recveil des Roys, 219, 221 , 262-63 , 366 ; the assiette is als o published in Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, ed. Blondel, 1:25-28 . A full list of attendance appears in a partisan fifteenth-centur y chronicl e o f th e dukes o f Alençon, BN, fr . 5942, fols . 101v-5v (se e esp . lOlv [description of the king as "en son siege Royal") (BN, fr. 5790, fols. 58v-61r). This chronicle casts doubt on the justice of the trial, saying that the king acted "a la persuasion daulcun du sang Royal et autres de Infime e t bas estât gouuernant toutesfoys ledi t Roy e t son Royaume": BN, fr . 5942, fol. 99r (BN, fr . 5790, fol . 58r) . As the account s o f Jean Tnion, foulon de draps at Vendôme, shows , he was paid for cleaning four pieces o f tapestry decorated with fleurs de lis and the arms of Franc e that were used to cover the floor of the room where Alençon was tried: Beaucourt, éd., Chronique de Mathieu d'Escouchy, 1:357-58 n. 1 .

39 Georges Chastellain , Œuvres, 3:422 , 429 . Louis X I seem s t o hav e bee n usin g th e phras e t o mea n "establish" when on 18 March 1463, in a letter regarding a charter he had issued for the fairs at Lyon, he declared "que sommez délibérez de les faire mectre sus et entretenir," and when he vowed in 1468 at the Estates General of Tours "qu'i je mectray justice sus, pollice aux gens de guerre et au soullegement du pouvre peuble e t charges du royaume si tos t et l e plu s qu e fer e s e poura" : Lettres de Louis XI, 2:108-9, no. LXVIII; Lewis, "La 'France anglaise,*" 37. Pierre de I'Estoile seems to have employed the verb in the same sense in discussing the collection of a tax in March 1588 before the publication of the edict by which "il avoit esté mis sus": Mémoires-journaux, 3:132 . Hanley interprets the phrase to mean "that the defendant would be placed 'under the lit de justice for sentencing,'" in The Lit de Justice, 35 (Fr. ed. 38, "que l'accusé serait placé 'sous le lit de justice* pour entendre la sentence"). Jean Juvenal des Ursins th e younger , archbisho p o f Reims , attende d th e sessio n wit h hi s brothe r Guillaume, the chancellor; although he did not refer to the lit de justice, he made clear the importance of the occasion, declaring that Alençon appeared in the king's presence "en vostre court de Parlement, garnye de pers et de plusieurs gen s tan t de vostr e san g qu e d e vostre Conseil" : Ecrits politiques, 2:415 . Cf . D u Tillet , Recveil des Roys, 264-65 ("[le ] Roy tenan t sa Court garnie de pairs").

40

lit de justice) o r "mounting " (i. e., a sessio n terme d a lit de justice). Whateve r Chastellain intended , h e evidentl y connecte d th e proceedings a t Vendôme with th e lit de justice. Moreover , Jean Chartier, monk of Saint-Denis and official chronicle r of France from 1437 until hi s death ca. 1470, alluded to the king's intention to hold at Montargis hi s lit de justice, o r conventions, o r assemblée, although th e chapter' s rubric unambiguously declares the session a lit de justice40. An anonymous continua-tor of the Grandes Chroniques de France (to 1461), who copied Chartier but omitted the chapter in which this remark appears, used Chartier's rubric to introduce the text of th e decre e o f 10 October agains t Alençon: "Lit de Justice hel d b y th e kin g o f France, who summone d th e twelve peers of hi s kingdom and others o f hi s council -ors."41 Similarly , a n anonymou s fifteenth-centur y chronicle r o f th e duke s o f Bur -gundy, writing of events between 1400 and 1467, says that the duke was condemne d by "the king holding his lit de justice in the presence of the peers of France, those of his council , an d other s in very grea t number." 42

Nor wer e Chastellain , Chartier , an d the Burgundian chronicler alon e i n associa -ting th e institutiona l lit de justice wit h th e tria l a t Vendôme. A strikin g miniatur e illustrating the king's decree against Alençon, found in a copy of Chartier's chronicle executed i n 1471, depicts a full lit (fig . 6) 43. Draped in cloth decorated with fleurs de lis an d displayin g th e arm s o f Franc e o n th e dossie r beneat h the inscriptio n "Ro y charles vij," the lit is flanked by the arms of the original twelve peers of the kingdom. As clearly a s any words, the illustration reveals the conviction that the sentence was rendered i n a lit de justice. I t is little wonder that at the turn of the sixteenth century Claude de Seyssel declare d tha t Alençon had bee n taken and condemne d b y Kin g

40 Chartier, Chronique, 3:90 , ch. 284 ("lit de justice ou convencions"); and idem, in Histoire de Charles VIL, ed. Godefroy , 304 ("Lict de Iustice, ou Assemblée") ; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:444; Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 34-35 n. 53 (Fr. ed. 328 n. 53). The account of Jehan de Wavrin, lord of Forestal , refer s to "le Roy sean t en son Sieg e Iudiciaire": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:443. The Godefroy s als o included a portion of a manuscript chronicle once owned by de Thou, used in Gilles Bry's histor y o f Alençon; Bry's histor y show s tha t th e extrac t i s simpl y a n embroidere d version o f th e assiette (for whic h se e n . 38 above) an d tha t th e Godefroy s themselve s inserte d a reference to the assembly as a "Lict de Iustice" and an analysis of the attendance: ibid., 2:448-49; Bry, Histoire des pays et comté dv Perche et dvché d 1 Alençon, 322 , 330-33.

41 "Li t de Justice tenu par le roy de france appelles lez xij pers de son royaulme et au 1 très ses conseilliers": BN, fr . 20355 , fol . 458 v (the en d o f a quire). Th e decree , i n a different han d (fols. 459r-63v) , is followed b y Chartier's descriptio n of it s announcemen t t o Alençon (fols . 463v-64r): Chartier , Chronique, 3:110-11 . The chronicle ends on fol. 465v ("A quoy furent plusieurs moult douleurs et par especial commencèrent le z pages for t a plourer"); th e colopho n announce s th e en d o f "le tiers et dernier volum e des croniques de france ... selo n loriginal des cronicques de saint denis . qu i danciennete ont e u la charge de ce faire." Paris comments on this chronicle (formerly Sorbonne, no. 1005) i n Les Grandes Chroniques, 6:498-99 . Cf . London, Britis h Library, Royal 20. c . ix , fol.298v .

42 "L e Roy tenan t son lit de justice a vendosme presens les pers de france ceulx de son conseil et autres en tresgrand nombr e sentenci a contr e l e du c dalencho n / e t l e condampna a morir e t auoi r confisquie s tous se s bien s saulu e l a grace du Roy" : BN , fr . 5365 , fol . 121v ; the chronicl e i s copie d o n fols. 59r-132r, i n a hand different fro m thos e in the rest of th e volume.

43 Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale , MS U 94 (1151), fol. 228v; Scheller , "The 'Li t de justice'," 195. The manuscript omit s the chapter containing the phrases quoted in n. 40 above, passing directly from ch. 283 of th e ed . o f Valle t de Viriville t o th e decre e (ch . 285 of hi s ed. ) ("Sensui t la teneu r d e larrest prononce a Vendosme"). We are grateful for thi s information t o Valérie Neveu, Conservateu r adjoint of th e Bibliothèque municipal e of Rouen .

41

Charles in his lict de Iustice at Vendôme - or that in 1547-48 Jean du Tillet associated the assembly wit h the lit de justice44.

In December 1475 the tria l o f Loui s o f Luxembourg , coun t o f Saint-Pol , woul d have afforde d Loui s X I (1461-83) a similar opportunit y t o transmi t th e symboli c message o f hi s suprem e judicia l authority . Th e coun t ha d bee n a member o f th e League o f th e Publi c Weal, which ha d com e clos e t o dethronin g Loui s i n 1465. In 1475, for mor e recen t offenses , Saint-Po l wa s sentence d t o death , bu t i t wa s th e chancellor wh o officiate d a t th e session , no t th e kin g i n a lit de justice45. Ther e i s indeed no evidence regarding visits of Loui s XI to the Parlement, although the full -page miniatur e tha t introduce d Louis ' reig n i n a contemporary cop y o f Chartier' s chronicle shows him presiding at a session of the tribunal, crowned, clad in blue robe and ermine, seated on a throne beneat h a canopy an d holding a sceptre; the king' s robe, lik e th e thron e an d canop y an d hanging s behin d them , wer e adorne d wit h fleurs de lis, and the king was attended by the notables, ecclesiastical and lay, whos e presence was associated with solemn sessions of hi s tribunal46. Bu t such ceremonia l occasions a s thos e a t whic h th e lit de justice wa s deployed , howeve r centra l t o subjects' conception s o f thei r ruler , woul d hav e bee n repellen t t o th e king, wh o disliked display , avoide d Paris , an d use d high-hande d method s i n attemptin g t o make the Parlement subservient to hi s will 47. Nonetheles s th e lit de justice wa s stil l remembered and considered an established, traditional forum - as the illustrations of Chartier's chronicl e testify . Further , i n a treatise o n roya l consecration s writte n i n 1478, Jean Foulquart, clerk of the échevinage of Reims, remarked of the ecclesiastical peers included in his lis t of th e origina l peers of Franc e that the y were enumerate d "in the order in which they are supposed to sit, on the king's left, when he holds the

44 Claud e d e Seyssel, "Les Loûenges, " 78 . On Seyssel , se e Mombello , "Claud e Seyssel, " 71-119; Sherman, "Political Propaganda, " 117-26; Molinier and Polain, Les sources de l'histoire de France, no. 53%. For Du Tillet, see 78-79 below.

45 Périnelle , "U n text e officie l su r l'exécution d u connétabl e d e Saint-Pol, " 429 ; Roye , Journal, 1:354 . A fine contemporary copy of the proceedings is preserved in BN, fr. 3869. Louis XI apparendy did not leave Le Plessis du Parc , where h e was o n 25 November an d 26 December 1475: Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 18:152 , 157 . Paravicini discusses the trial , in "Peur, pratiques, intelligences," 183-96.

46 We have unfortunatel y bee n unabl e t o locat e th e cop y o f Chartier' s chronicle , onc e owne d b y Dr . Thomas Hobar t (d . 1728) and late r b y Lor d Mostyn , i n whic h th e illustratio n wa s found . Th e manuscript and its three full-page illuminations (executed on vellum, with the text copied on paper) is fully described in the sale catalogue (13 July 1920, London) of Lor d Mostyn's manuscripts , Catalogue of Very Important Illuminated and Other Manuscripts, 6-7, lot 18, and in "Notes o f th e Manuscripts of th e Righ t Honourabl e Lor d Mostyn, " 363, no. 274. The illustratio n depictin g th e accessio n o f Charles V I i s reproduce d i n th e catalogue; th e paintin g fo r th e reig n o f Charle s VI I show s th e expulsion o f th e English from France . In 1920 the manuscript wa s sold for 320 1st . to "Louis. "

47 On Louis ' character, Basin, Histoire de Louis XI, 3:286; Bouchet, Les Annalles D'acquitaine, 118-19; Seyssel, "Les Loûenges, " 93-94 , 111; Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 41-42 (Fr. ed . 40-41); Scheller, "Ensigns of Authority," 75, 113. According to Commynes, Louis was determined to "bien brider ceste court de Parlement : no n point dyminue r leur nombr e n e leu r auctorité , mai s i l avoi t contr e cueu r plusieurs choses dont il z usoient": Commynes , Mémoires, 2:37 . Commynes point s out tha t the kin g respected the custom o f havin g setdements registere d i n the Parlement to ensure their validity: ibid. , 1:168. Maugis judged Louis* relations with the court "l'une des pages les plus sombres des annales du Parlement": Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:80-99 ; see also Stocker, "Office an d Justice: Louis XI and the Parlement," 360-86.

42

lit de justice " 4* O f th e lit de justice h e said no more , leaving i t unclear whether h e believed th e presenc e o f al l si x clerica l peer s indispensabl e fo r th e occasion . Hi s comments, however , leav e n o doub t tha t h e considere d th e lit de justice a roya l institution i n which th e peers played an essential role .

At Louis ' deat h o n 30 August 1483, his son Charle s VII I (1483-98) was onl y thirteen. Circumstances favore d th e return of ceremonia l session s in the Parlement, for the tribunal became a battleground i n the struggle for power that pitted Charles' sister Anne, then twenty-two, and her husband Pierre of Bourbon, lord of Beaujeu, against Louis, duke of Orléans, closest in succession t o the throne. In the first stag e of th e conflic t Ann e seize d control . Surel y unde r he r influence, i n confirmin g th e officers o f the Parlement in September 1483 Charles lavished praise on the court and proclaimed that "his progenitors" had estabhshed the Parlement, "the sovereign and capital cour t o f th e kingdom , t o discus s an d determin e i n sovereig n jurisdictio n matters touchin g th e rights o f th e king and the crown o f France, " as well a s issues involving th e peers, and "other great cases."49

Anne agai n emerge d successfu l fro m th e Estate s Genera l convene d a t Tours i n January 1484. The assembl y invoke d Charles ' "prudence , sagesse, discretion et bonne inclinacion " i n rejectin g th e ide a o f a regency (whic h th e duk e o f Orléans would have dominated)50. Charles was duly crowned on 30 May and on 5 July made his ceremonia l entr y int o Paris 51. On 20 July, accordin g t o the register o f mornin g

48 Archives administratives de la ville de Reims, 2*:575 n. 1 continued from 559 ("Ces pairs sont en ordre comme il z doibvent seoir , à la senestre r u roy, quan d i l tient le lic t de justice").

49 ".. . pour laquelle Iustice distribuer & administrer noz tresnobles progeniteurs Roys de france aient de toute ancienneté / érig e / cré e / e t ordonne la court de parlement qui est la court souueraine & capital de nostr e Royaum e pou r discute r e t determiner en souuerai n Ressor t le s matière s qu i touchen t le s drois de nous et de la couronne de france / Auss i les causes des pers de france les Regalles / euesche z / et autre s gran s cause s e t matière s de s prelat z e t gran s seigneur s d e nostr e Royaum e / e t toute s le s appellations qui sont émises et Intergettees en Icelle / e t pour pugnir et corriger tous abbuz faiz soub z couleur d e Iustice" : AN, X 1A 1491 , fol. 2r ; Ordonnances, ed . Laurière , 19:125 ; much of thi s passage appears in Dupuy, Traité de la majorité, 152 , where it is correcdy dated September 1483. Cf. Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 44 n. 75 (Fr. ed. 331 n. 75) (reading mesme for couronne and omitting a number of words); she mistakenly alleges that Dupuy confuse d this letter with that of April 1485, to be discussed below, and that he read "couleur de justice" as "lit de justice." The similar ordonnance confirming th e officers o f th e Parlement that Loui s XI I issue d on 13 April 1498 (whose phraseolog y reappear s i n a decree of Francis I dated 2 January 1515) conflates thi s edict and another of Apri l 1485: Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 21:21-22 (Louis XII) ; Ordonnances de François Ier, 1:2-6, no. 2; cf . the less expansiv e terms of Loui s XI' s simila r ordonnance of 8 September 1461, in Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 15:13.

50 Pélicie r discusses the accession of Charle s VIII, in Essai sur le gouvernement de la dame de Beaujeu, esp. 66-7 8 (the Estate s General); also usefu l ar e Masselin, Journal, 701-2; and Mauld e La Claviere, Histoire de Louis XII, 2:36-117.

51 An elaborate account of the king's entry, doubtless prepared by the civil clerk, Guillaume de Cerisay, is found in AN, X lA 1491, fols. 154v-55r; he noted that "par la ville auoit de moult belles histoires Ieux et esbatemens." The occasion wa s marred by a dispute over the order of march , since the prévôt des marchands of Paris , hi s lieutenants, "et autres du chastellet qu i ne peuent prétendr e Ignorance dudi t ordre e t peruertissen t Icellu j ordre," appeared befor e th e kin g afte r th e Parlement had done so ; th e matter wa s setde d onl y whe n th e offender s mad e humbl e apologie s an d wer e reprimande d b y th e Parlement, which declare d "qu e doresnauan t aux entrees nouuelle s des Roys Royne s daulphin s daulphines et autres princes et princesses quant le cas y escherra Hz ne soient si osez ne hardiz de aller après ladite court ne après la chambre des comptes Mais voisent après la ville / ainsi que de tout temps a este acoustume. / su r peine damende arbitraire et autre telle que la court aduisera. et le cas le Requerra

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pleadings, he sat in the Conseil of the Parlement "under the lit de justice." A s to the precise purpose of his visit, the registers are silent52. Orléans vainly attempted to win support from the Parlement and the University of Paris; in February 1485, probably on Anne's instructions, the king appeared before the Parlement to exempt the court's members from arm y service 53.

Two month s later , i n Apri l 1485, the kin g issue d a decre e (abolishin g th e Parlement of Burgundy) that waxed eloquent in praise of the Parlement of Paris and its importanc e a s the sit e o f th e lit de justice. Hi s predecessors , Charle s said , ha d established Paris as the seat (siege) of royal dignity and majesty, making it the capital of th e kingdom. I n Paris , to magnify an d elevate roya l authorit y an d majesty , wa s instituted the Parlement, a sovereign court and jurisdiction, resembling the hundred senators of Rome. Because of his royal dignity the king was the chief of the hundred who compose d th e court . "I n that cour t an d nowher e else, " the kin g declared , "i s held and must be held our lit de justice."54 The ordonnance was issued by the king in his council at Pont-de-1'Arche in Normandy; understandably, the Parlement of Paris registered it expeditiously. I t witnesses the continued importance of the institutional lit de justice and suggests that Charles VIII and his subjects considered at least some of hi s visits t o his highes t court t o b e lits de justice. Nevertheless , lik e earlie r roya l and parlementary declarations , th e ordonnance of 1485 leaves unclea r wha t suc h a session was, who wa s expecte d t o atten d it , an d what it s precise significance was .

sil y eschet": ibid. , fols. 155v (6 July 1484), 156v-57r (8 July 1484); Guenee and Lehoux, Les entrées royales, 97-104, no. IX .

52 No pleading s were held on thi s Tuesday, and the clerk recorded that "Dominus noste r Rex sedit su b lecto Iusticie secundum ea que in Registro consili j sub hac die Registrator": AN, X 1A 4825, fol. 256r. However, th e registe r o f th e Conseil for thi s period , X 1A 1491 , provides n o informatio n abou t th e king's visit; the date is recorded (fol. 167v) but there is no entry, and the rest of the folio is blank, as are the next two sheets (the last of the gathering); the following folio (which is tipped in) is numbered 168 and contains a list of three decrees and eleven judgments pronounced on 21 July by the first president, Jean de la Vaquerie.

53 Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 2) 19:469-72 , esp. 472 (list of nobles , clerics, and royal officials, includin g the first president o f th e Chambre des comptes and the treasurer, who attende d th e session) .

54 ".. . noz prédécesseurs Roys de France ... aien t .. . estably le siege de la dignité e t maiest é royale e n notre bonne vill e et cit é de Paris , comme l a principalle d e notredi t royaume , laquell e à ceste cause a tousiours est é e t es t réputé e l a ville capital e d'icelui , e t en icell e ville , pour plu s magnifie r e t esleve r Tauctorité e t maiesté royale e t donner bo n ordr e au fait de l a justice, a esté, à la semblance des cen t sénateurs de Rome, establîe et instituée en icelle notre ville de Paris, par deliberacion de tous les Princes et seigneur s qu i lor s estoient , un e cour t e t juridictio n souverain e appellee la court de parlement, composée de cent hommes, de laquelle, à cause de notre dignité royale, sommes le chief, et en icelle et non ailleur s s e tien t e t doi t teni r notr e lic t d e justice" : Ordonnances, ed . Laurière , 19:539-40 . This passage and the following portion of the ordonnance are paraphrased in Dupuy, Traité de la majorité, 562, where the decree i s correcdy date d April 1485 and is distinguished fro m the lette r of Septembe r 1483 discussed in n. 49 above. Hanley does not use this text. Juvenal des Ursins the younger referred to "la cour t de Parlemen t qui senatus vocatur* 7 and t o th e court' s member s a s "ceul x qu e o n souloi t appeller du temps des Rommains sénateurs, e t son t cent en nombre" : Ecrits politiques, 1:513 ; the theme is treated more fully, in ibid., 2:330. See also below, 50, 51 n. 29, 52, 59; and Brown, Du Tillet and the Wars of Religion, 31-32 n. 73.

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IV. T H E K I N G A N D TH E PARLEMENT, 1492-152 4

After issuin g hi s decre e extollin g th e Parlement of Pari s i n 1485, Charles VII I (1483-98) attended at least ten other meetings of the Parlement of Paris 1. On 8 June 1492, the register of the Parlement noted, the king sat "on his royal throne" to hear a complex case involving Simon Davy, master of requests of the royal household, who was appealing a n adverse decision rendered by roya l councilor s an d commissioner s appointed b y th e king ; befor e th e king, presidin g fro m hi s throne , th e tribuna l determined tha t th e commissioner s "ha d judge d well." 2 Th e occasion , lik e th e decision, wa s clearl y solemn , bu t i t was no t extraordinary . This wa s no t tru e of a t least on e o f th e othe r occasions , which , a s contemporar y evidenc e shows , wa s considered a lit de justice. Writin g o f th e session i n February 1488 in which Louis , duke of Orléans (later Louis XII), and François II, duke of Brittany, were summon-ed to be tried for treason, the contemporary historian Guillaume de Jaligny declared that the king there "hel d the lit de justice"* Th e testimony o f Jaligny, secretary and servant of the duke of Bourbo n and generally hones t and well-informed, i s particu-larly valuabl e because , althoug h th e proceedings wer e doubtles s recorde d in detail , no officia l tex t survives 4.

1 Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 42-43 (Fr. ed. 42); February 1487 should be corrected to February 1488. In ibid., 43 n. 72 (Fr. ed. 331 n. 72), eight sessions are grouped into four séances: 2 0 February 1492; 5 and 7 February 1493; 22 and 25 February 1493; 8, 9, and 11 July 1493. To this should be added 8 June 1492, when a decision wa s pronounce d "Domin o nostr o Reg e I n Regal i solio sedente" : AN, X 1A 126 , fols. 154v-55r; Aubert , Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:128 .

2 See the preceding note . Cf. Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 61 (Fr. ed. 58-59) (references to the throne in late-fifteenth-century "parlementar y circles" were metaphorical, "signaling not the royal seat itself but the whole Grand-chambre"); also 106 (Fr. ed. 102). On Davy, Blanchard, Les Genealogies des Maistres des Requestes, 84.

3 "L a Cou r d e Parlemen t fu t préparé e & le s sieges faits pou r teni r l e Lic t d e Iustice : Et a u iour d e Padiournement l e Roy tin t son Lic t de Iustice": Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy, 2:450 ; also in Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed . Godefroy , 43 ; see Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 43 (Fr . ed. 42); Cutder, Law of Treason, 235. Jaligny's accoun t was als o copied i n AN, K K 815, fols. 218r-20v; se e also fols. 216r-17r (proceedings agains t the duke of Orléans on 16 and 19 September 1485).

4 Molinier and Polain (Les sources de l'histoire de France, no. 5390) judge Jaligny's work "en somme une chronique officielle. " Jaligny's account end s with the remar k that "le tout es t plus à plein contenu au Registre qu i e n fu t fai t e n c e temp s e n ladit e Cou r d e Parlement" : Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:451 ; Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed . Godefroy, 45 . Probably because even he could find n o official information about this trial, Jean du Tillet included no reference to it in his Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands. Another, in some respects more precise, record of proceedings in February 1488 is found i n AN, K K 1428, fols. 360r-61r (a seventeenth-century cop y included with material s relating to the Godefroys' Ceremonial). Th e copyist say s that the account was taken from a register commencing in 1482, which seem s t o confirm Jaligny's statement regardin g the register o f th e Parlement; we have,

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Preparations fo r proceedin g agains t th e tw o duke s ha d begu n th e precedin g summer. The king had addressed summonses to the peers of France on 23 July 1487. These order s wer e countermande d o n 12 August, an d eigh t day s late r Charle s ordered the peers to be present "au premier iour plaidoyable" in the next session o f the Parlement (scheduled to commence on 12 November), since he had ordered the duke of Orléans to appear "before us and those commissioned an d deputed by us in our cour t o f Parlement in Paris , sufficientl y garnishe d wit h peers." 5 Th e kin g communicated wit h th e Parlement about th e approachin g tria l o n 24 November, when h e declared his intention o f proceedin g "pa r vostre conseil."6 O n 22 January 1488 Charles sa t "in his court of Parlement, sufficiently garnishe d wit h peers," and there he issued a summons to Orléans and Brittany to be present on 14 April befor e the king or his deputies i n the Parlement, which was to b e attended b y a sufficien t complement o f peers 7. Plans , however , changed , an d i t wa s i n Februar y tha t th e session described by Jaligny occurred. Jaligny's account is detailed and includes a list of the notables who were present (as well a s those who sen t excuses) and the king' s instructions regarding the summons to be delivered to the count of Flanders (Philip, archduke of Austria)8. According to Jaligny, the royal advocate Jean le Maistre gave a

however, bee n unable to locate the source o f the account . The copyist was clearly confused abou t the date 1482, and belo w th e dat e wit h whic h th e narrativ e begins , 17 February 1487 (o.s.), h e wrot e "1482," an impossible date . The tex t declare s tha t o n 17 February Charle s VIII "vint e n s a court de Parlement bie n garni e d e Pair s e t autre s seigneurs, " including th e lords of Foix, Alençon , Beaujeu , Vendôme, an d Laval , a n ambassador fro m Rome , th e archbisho p o f Reims , th e bishop s o f Laon , Langres, Chalons, Noyon, and others. First are described the summonses of absent peers (the bishop of Beauvais, the duke of Bourbon, the count o f Nevers, and the count of Flanders) , and then those of the dukes o f Orléans and Brittany . O n 21 February, th e narrativ e states , th e kin g returne d t o hi s cour t "garnie comm e dessus, " and o n "le Mardy 22." again visite d "sa Cou r bie n garni e d e Pair s pa r so n commandement." On this occasion defaults were pronounced agains t Orléans and Brittany, "et II y eut ensuitte Lettres d'abolition générales octroyées aux Comtes d'Albret, de Dunois e t de Comminges" and their servants an d allies . The dates are confusing , sinc e betwee n 1482 and 1491 2 2 February fel l o n a Tuesday onl y in 1485 and 1491, and in 1488 1 7 February was a Sunday; th e counts of Albret , Dunois , and Comminge s were pardoned in September 1488: Cutder, Law of Treason, 235-36. Cutder remark s (ibid., 235) that "the trial of Orléans and Brittany was . . . a half-hearted affair, " but in fact little reliable information about proceedings survives. The fullest account is found in Maulde La Clavière, Histoire de Louis XII, 2:201-2, 205-37, although h e does no t us e the narrative in AN, K K 1428.

5 ".. . pardeuant Nous, no s Commi s fie Députe z pou r nou s e n nostr e Cou r d e Parlemen t à Paris , suffisamment garni e de Pairs": Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed . Godefroy, 573-74 .

6 Lettres de Charles VIII, 1:248-49, no. CLVI (issued a t Rouen). 7 Th e roya l summons wa s issue d "Par le Ro y e n s a Cour de Parlement suffisammen t garni e de Pairs":

Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed . Godefroy , 574 . 8 Jalign y lists as present th e lords of Alençon, Beaujeu , Vendôme, Laval , Guise , Luxembourg , and th e

bastard son of the duke of Burgundy; he indicates that some ecclesiastical peers were present (although he notes that "aucuns" were excused because of age or illness), as well as other archbishops and bishops; he mentions th e bishop of Paris , the abbot of Saint-Denis , an d the bishop o f Lombe z becaus e of thei r unsuccessful reques t t o b e seate d afte r th e peers. Th e anonymou s accoun t i n AN , K K 1428, fol . 360r-61r, mentions Foix, Alençon, Beaujeu, Vendôme, and Laval, and the ecclesiastical peers of Reims, Laon, Langres , Chalons , an d Noyon . Jalign y say s tha t Nevers , Bourbon , an d Angoulême sent thei r excuses; the anonymous account indicates that the bishop of Beauvais was summoned "en défaut," and that because they did not appear Bourbon an d Nevers wer e given "défaut sauf Pexoine" and the coun t of Flanders "défaut pur et simple." It thus seems likely that the two accounts describe different sessions . The only extraordinary attendance noted in the register of the Conseil for mid-February is the presence on 21 February o f th e archbishop of Narbonne an d the bishop of Lombez : AN, X 1A 1495 , fol. 108v.

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long addres s describin g th e wrong s o f Orléans and Brittany ; h e demande d tha t they b e place d i n defaul t fo r failin g t o appea r an d tha t the y b e summone d t o answer9. Jalign y indicate s tha t al l thi s occurre d a t a singl e session , whos e precis e date h e doe s no t give . Anothe r apparentl y contemporar y accoun t report s tha t several meeting s wer e hel d befor e default s wer e pronounced . Th e onl y referenc e to th e tria l i n th e registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement is th e court' s orde r o n Tuesday, 19 February 1488, that expense s o f th e councilo r wh o wa s t o execut e the summonse s agains t th e tw o duke s b e pai d fro m th e incom e o f th e dukes ' lands, then i n th e king' s hands 10. Precisel y wha t occurre d i n Februar y 1488 is obscure, a s i s th e fina l outcom e o f th e proceedings 11. Nonetheless , Jaligny' s testimony show s tha t on e well-informe d contemporar y considere d a t leas t on e of th e session s o f th e Parlement that th e kin g attende d i n tha t mont h a lit de justice.

In th e absenc e o f ful l description s i n th e registers , i t i s impossibl e t o determin e how ceremoniou s thi s an d other royal session s were or what roya l official s terme d them. The language of the clerks who recorded them was exceedingly economical; it was th e tex t o f on e o f th e court' s judgments , no t a n accoun t o f th e proceeding s themselves, whic h note d th e king' s occupanc y o f hi s rega l thron e i n 1492. If th e presence o f th e thron e o n 8 June o f tha t yea r suggest s tha t th e sessio n wa s ceremonial, the record of th e judgment shows that although the appeal touched th e king, who had named the original commissioners an d whose officia l wa s protesting, it wa s no t a case o f grav e importance . The occasio n i s unlikel y t o hav e bee n ver y different from the sessions when the king simply heard important cases, as happened on 20 February 1492, and o n 5 and 7 February 149312. The circumstance s wer e somewhat different on 22 and 25 February 1493, when the king visited the Conseil of the Parlement with a number o f noble s an d chamberlains t o hea r several cases , th e most importan t o f whic h involve d th e maste r o f artiller y o f France 13. I n non e o f

9 Jaligny state s tha t Le Maistre mad e hi s reques t fo r defaul t "pour l e Procureu r d u Roy" (Jean d e Nanterre), whereas th e anonymous accoun t i n AN , K K 1428, fol . 360v, state s tha t th e reques t wa s made by the procurator himself; th e anonymous account also indicates that the chancellor, Guillaume, lord o f Rochefort , intervene d t o sa y tha t th e Parlement should tak e the questio n unde r advisemen t ("seroit veu par la Cour"). On Jean de Nanterre and Jean le Maistre, Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:327, 332; Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:145-46 , 392-93 . The other royal advocate in 1488 was Pierre de Courthardi, named first president of the Parlement on 26 August 1497: see n. 25 below. On Guillaume, lord of Rochefort , whose brothe r Guy de Rochefort serve d as chancellor from 1497 to 1508, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 6:412-13 ; for Guy , ibid. , 6:441.

10 AN, X 1A 1495 , fol. 104r; Maulde La Clavière, Histoire de Louis XII, 2:209-10. 11 Sentences agains t other s wh o wer e accuse d wer e issued o n 23 May 1488 and 24 March 1489, but n o

record o f an y condemnatio n o f Orléans and Brittan y survives : Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed. Godefroy, 575-76; Maulde La Clavière, Histoire de Louis XII, 2:219-37.

12 AN, X 1A 4833, fol. 174r ("vint le Roy aux plaidoiries); X1A4834, fols. 140v-53r ("Le Roy séant"). The case tried on 20 February 1492 concerned Guy XIV/XV, count of Laval and grand maître of the king's household, an d Agnes o f Savoy , countess o f Dunois ; amon g those heard on i n February 1493 was a complex cas e involving th e king's right to revenues o f vacant ecclesiastical benefices .

13 AN, X lA 4834, fol. 18 1 r (notations "ad consilium" and "Non fuit litigatum" in the register of morning pleadings fo r 22-26 February). The caree r o f Jacques Ricard d e Genouillac, calle d Galiot , maste r o f artillery of France, is outlined in Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 8:162-63 . For the king's presence at the Conseil, AN, X lA 1500 , fols . 88v-97r; i n additio n t o th e president s o f th e Parlement, thirty councilors wer e in attendance on th e first day and twenty-three o n the second.

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these instance s di d th e clerk o f th e Parlement describe th e settin g o r designate th e meeting by an y specia l term.

The sessions of the Parlement which the king attended in July 1493 were the most impressive that the registers of the reign record,4. O n 8 July the king appeared wit h two dukes, six counts, three archbishops, three bishops, and a number of nobles and royal officials; the presidents and masters of requests of the Parlement and sixty-two councilors were present15. The august assemblage heard a remonstrance delivered not by th e Parlement but rathe r b y Ada m Fumee , firs t maste r of request s o f th e roya l household. Speaking for Charles VIII, he expressed the royal concern for justice and announced tha t th e kin g wishe d t o hav e swor n an d published th e massiv e ordon-nance on justic e whose issuanc e i n th e roya l counci l a number o f th e magnate s i n attendance had witnessed16. The king responded favorably to the plea entered by the first president, Jean de la Vaquerie, for increased salaries; he heard sympathetically a royal advocate' s descriptio n o f th e problems cause d b y electiv e benefice s tha t were unfilled; finall y Fume e announce d th e peacefu l resolutio n o f a cas e involvin g allegations o f inappropriat e roya l intercessio n t o obtai n th e prefermen t o f Jean de Rely, the king's confessor (whose candidacy for the bishopric of Angers was simply withdrawn)17. The king was clearly attempting to win th e favor of th e Parlement in order to secur e immediate acceptanc e o f hi s ordonnance.

Fumee ha d alread y announce d tha t th e kin g intende d t o retur n th e nex t da y t o hear pleadings , bu t befor e hi s arriva l a t 9 A.M. o n 9 July th e member s o f th e Parlement discussed th e ordonnance, some o f whos e article s seeme d t o the m t o require limitation and modification; thus they determined to present a remonstrance to th e kin g an d t o reques t tha t th e oath th e kin g wa s requirin g o f the m migh t b e taken behind closed doors. After the king entered (with as impressive an entourage as the preceding day's) Fumee repeated the request made on 8 July. The first presiden t responded. Instea d o f askin g fo r immediat e correctio n o f th e points tha t disturbe d him and his colleagues, he meekly aske d the king to permit them to notify hi m and seek correction of an y articles that proved "difficul t t o keep" ("dificilles a garder"). He the n too k a n oath , administere d b y th e archbisho p o f Narbonne , t o kee p th e ordonnances; so to o di d th e othe r presidents , th e master s o f requests , councilors , royal advocates, clerks, and notaries of the court who were present. The doors were then opened, and Fumee announced publicly that the oaths had been sworn. Because the hour was late, recitation o f th e ordonnance was deferred until 11 July, a session attended b y numerou s dignitarie s an d seventy-on e councilor s o f th e Parlement. There the edict was read, as was one on gens de guerre. The sessio n ended with th e first president's humble declaration that the members of th e court intended to keep the ordonnances and "obe y entirel y th e commandment s an d goo d pleasur e o f th e

14 As wil l b e seen, in 1549 Jean du Tillet designated thes e meetings a s sessions held by th e king "tenan t son Parlement . . . pou r honnorer sa Justice faire publie r e t Jurer se s ordonnances notables" : BN , fr . 17294, fol. 29v; see 78-79 below.

15 AN , X IA 1500 , fols. 260r-61v, at 260r (8 July); fols. 261v-63 r ( 9 July); fols. 263r-64 r (11 July). 16 Ordonnances, ed . Laurière, 20:386-411, and also 411-13 (an ordonnance on the duties of the clerks of

the Parlement, which like the first was issued by the king in his council and registered by the Parlement on 11 July, "Reg e in sua parlamenti curi a sedente").

17 Rely, a man of integrity who was committed to reform both secular and religious, was the king's sole confessor; hi s career is discussed i n Minois, Le confesseur du roi, 234-39 .

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king, askin g hi m tha t hi s pleasur e shoul d alway s b e t o kee p th e cour t i n singula r recommendation."18 A t thes e session s i n July 1493 Charles VIII acte d in a fashion that, when directe d a t securing registration of less commendable edicts , would later provoke outcry . H e ha d presse d th e Parlement to accep t withou t discussio n a n ordonnance previously issue d i n hi s counci l despit e th e hesitation s voice d b y th e members o f th e high court .

Pierre de Cerisay, the civil clerk who presumably recorded these proceedings19, did not describe the milieu in which the dramatic exchanges occurred, nor did he bestow any special name on the session. In view of the emphasis that Charles VIII placed o n the lit de justice in his ordonnance of April 1485, however, it is difficult to imagine that the royal paraphernalia were not employed a t the most formal of the sessions. In June 1492 the roya l thron e wa s ver y muc h i n evidence . No r doe s th e clerk' s taciturnit y mean that some or all of the meetings were not called lits de justice. On the other hand, whereas th e session s o f Februar y 1488 and July 1493 were in al l likelihood impressi -vely ceremonious , th e visit s t o pleading s i n Februar y o f 1492 and 1493 and t o th e Conseil in Februar y 1493 were probabl y les s formal . Unde r Charles ' successor s ceremonial distinctions were made among the king's appearances in the Parlement, and this led to distinction s i n the tides accorded t o th e royal visits . Whether thi s process began under Charle s VIII is unfortunately impossibl e to determine.

Writing of Loui s XII (1498-1515), Jean de Saint-Gelais, lord of Monlieu, said that when th e kin g was i n Paris , "he often wen t to the Parlement, to tak e counsel i n all matters for the welfare and administration of justice and to correct abuses." "There," Saint-Gelais states , "he instituted better order than had existed for a hundred years; he was dedicated to seeing that all his subjects lived in peace and justice, and it always seemed that he had been put on this earth to promote the utility of every person."20

As thi s encomiu m suggests , Loui s XI I wa s muc h admired ; soo n afte r hi s deat h a clerk o f th e Parlement dubbed hi m "amateu r de justice."21 Regardin g eleve n occa -sions whe n h e visited th e cour t th e registers provid e information tha t is somewha t fuller than the notices concerning the sessions attended by Charle s VIII22, althoug h they contain n o reference t o the lit de justice.

18 ".. . entendoient auoi r lure Icelle s ordonnances e t estoient délibérez le s garde r et obeyr entièremen t aux commandemens et bons plaisirs du Roy / luj suppliant que son plaisir feust auoir tousiours sadicte court e n singulière Recommandacion": AN , X 1A1500, fol . 264r .

19 Useful information regarding Pierre de Cerisay is found in Vaesen, éd., Lettres de Louis XI, 4:115 n. 1. 20 "Duran t que l e Roy seiourn a à Paris, il alloit souuent en Parlement, pour aduiser en toutes choses au

bien & police de la Iustice, & pour corriger les abus: Et là y meit meilleur ordre qu'il n'auoit esté fait cent ans auparauant. I l se delectoit à mettre peine de faire viure tous ses subiets en Paix, & Iustice: Et sembloit, & a tousiours semblé qu'il soi t n é proprement en ce monde pour Pvtilité d'vn chacun": Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 1:235 ; see als o Le Paige, Lettre, 29-30 . Saint-Gelai s was an apologist for the house of Orléans who in the early sixteenth century wrote a history o f France from 1270 to 1510: Molinier and Polain, Les sources de l'histoire de France, no. 5393. Scheller points out that Louis XI I wa s no t ofte n i n Paris ; he discusse s projects tha t the kin g initiate d i n Pari s bu t doe s no t mention th e refurbishing o f the chambers of the Parlement: "Gallia Cisalpina," 51; see 54-55 below.

21 Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:45-46, citing AN, X 1A 1517 , fol 44v . 22 Hanle y lists the sessions of 7 July 1498, 13 June 1499, 5 December 1504,16 December 1504, 2 January

1505,12 November 1508 (male for 13 November, a Monday), and 31 May 1513: The Lit de Justice, 43 n. 73 (Fr. ed. 331 n. 73). In his Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 418-19 , Du Tillet includes all these sessions except th e last ; he also refer s to th e king' s presence i n the Parlement on 24 February

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Three visit s tha t th e kin g pai d t o th e Parlement were distincd y ceremonial . O n 7 July 1498, Louis mad e a particularly solem n visit after his entry to Paris five day s earlier. All chamber s of the Parlement assembled in the Conseil to participate in the session, and the clerk recorded th e attendance in detail . Loui s was accompanie d b y four ecclesiastical peers (the cardinal archbisho p of Reim s an d the bishops o f Laon , Beauvais, and Noyon), the archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of Albi , the chancellor, two counts , th e prince o f Orange , tw o marshals , th e governor an d prévôt of Paris , and other notables and officials23. The chancellor, Guy, lord of Rochefort, presente d a warm and politic oration. He declared the king's intention to guard his people from oppression and announced that Louis was committing to six or eight members of the Parlement consideration of some troublesome matters that might cause dispute, since his greates t desir e wa s t o se e "goo d an d brie f justic e administered." 24 Th e firs t president, Pierr e de Courthardi, thanke d th e kin g fo r "th e hono r an d familia r visitation tha t i t had pleased hi m t o mak e to hi s court." The tribunal , h e said , had been instituted b y th e king's predecessors i n imitation o f th e senate of Rome ; in i t was "his seat and royal throne." He reminded the king that all emperors, kings, and princes who had ruled in the past had set great store by their senates and sovereig n courts; goo d emperor s (lik e Octavia n an d Hadrian ) ha d thu s bee n "victorious , feared, respected, and honored," whereas such rulers as Nero and Caligula, who did not suppor t thei r senates , "had not rule d bu t ha d diminished th e empire," an d th e king o f Egypt , wit h onl y forty senators , had , b y supportin g them , "increase d hi s kingdom an d reigne d victorious. " All this , h e said , went t o sho w tha t "a s lon g a s princes suppor t justice , the y rul e i n peac e - and n o longer." 25 Afte r thi s Jean l e Maistre (the same royal advocate who had spoken at the trial of Orléans and Brittany in 1488) was permitted to offer th e royal advocates' humble apology for a breach of

1502, 3 December 1504 (at the Conseil), 1 6 November 1508, and 18 March 1510. We have been unable to locat e the source s know n t o Du Tillet for th e firs t an d secon d o f thes e dates . Du Tillet doe s no t mention the visits of 5 and 6 July 1498, to be discussed below . Se e below, 53 n. 36, and 54 n. 43 (the illegibility o f th e register of th e Conseil of the Parlement for the sessions o f 1504-05).

23 In 1549 Jean du Tillet designated th e session o f 7 July a s a meeting presided ove r by th e king "tenant son parlement pour honnorer sa Justice": BN, fr . 17294, fol. 30r. In Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 418 , Du Tillet gives the list o f attendance and comments "Cest e assemblée fut pour honnore r par le Roy, & authorizer sa iustice après son entree faicte à Paris." Scheller discusses the royal entry, in "Ensigns o f Authority, " 101-11; useful documentatio n i s foun d i n Guenée and Lehoux , Les entrées royales, 125-38 .

24 AN, X 1A 1504 , fols. 130v-31r. 25 ".. . a Remercie treshumblement le Roy de lonneur et familliere visitation quil lui a pieu faire a sa court

... laquell e a este Instituée par ses prédécesseurs Rois de france alinstar du sénat de Romme ou es t son siege et trosne Roial (et que tout lonneur dicelle Redonde au Roy / A dit que tous les empereurs Rois et princes qui parcydeuant ont Règne / on t eu leurs senatz et cours souueraines en grande Recommenda-tion / e n Iceul x s e son t tenu z e t fai t administre r Iustic e a u peupl e (comm e fî t octouie n / adrie n / traianus / mariu s / anthoniu s [sic] / e t autres bons empereurs (lesquilz par ce moien furent victorieu x crains doubtez et honnorez (et au contraire neron calliguia et autres qui ne entretindrent les senatz / n e Régnèrent / mai s diminuèrent lempire / auss i allègue le Roy degipt e qu i nauoit que xl sénateurs Mais au moien de son sénat quil entretint amplia son Royaume & Régna victorieux / qu i est a entendre que quamdiu les princes entretiennen t Iustic e Hz Régnent e n paix et non vitra": AN, X !A 1504 , fol. 131r . On the first president , see Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:117, 333 (Couthardi , Cothardi) ; Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:387 , 39 3 (Courthardi, Couthardi) .

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precedence tha t ha d occurre d th e da y before 26. The n nin e case s wer e pleaded , presumably i n the king's presence, althoug h ther e is no evidence o f roya l interven-tion i n th e proceedings , no r an y indicatio n tha t th e larg e trai n of peopl e wh o ha d accompanied hi m departed 27. Th e cler k o f th e Parlement gave n o accoun t o f th e setting, but the session was hardly an ordinary one, and the first president's remarks suggest tha t the kin g wa s i n fact presiding fro m th e throne which th e court prided itself o n sheltering .

Louis XII ha d attende d session s o f th e Parlement on th e tw o precedin g days , which may have been impressive but which do not seem to have rivaled the meeting of 7 July. O n 5 July, accordin g t o th e registe r o f th e Conseil y "l e Roy a esté au x plaidoieries," an d th e cler k commente d tha t h e wa s accompanie d b y th e duke s o f Bourbon an d Nemours , othe r peers o f France , and "great princes an d lords o f th e blood" to hear twenty-four cases , and the register of morning pleadings records that the kin g (describe d a s "wel l accompanied" ) remaine d fo r th e entir e session 28 - at which the lengthiest and most complex pleading concerned the status of a castellany of the duchy o f Orléans, which had been Louis' apanage and which had returned to the crow n a t hi s accession 29. O n 6 July a similar sessio n wa s held . Althoug h th e register o f th e Conseil contains n o accoun t o f th e day' s events , th e registe r o f

26 "Su r c e que au lourdui ont est e mande z le s aduocat s d u Ro y e n l a court d e céan s ausquel z a est e Remonstre que le Iourdier que le Roy estoit venu en la court et que aucuns de messieurs les conseilliers dicelle cour t estoien t assi s e s ba s sieges pour laffluenc e e t multitud e qu i estoi t venu z aue c ledic t seigneur Hz sestoient Ingérez de eulx asseoir et mectre oudict siege entre messieurs les conseillers / e t la auoient volu [sic] plaider qui pouoit sembler vne entreprinse par eulx faicte sur lauctorite de la court et des conseillier s dicell e E t aprè s qu e maistr e Ieha n l e maistr e lu n des aduocat s dudic t seigneu r acompaigne d e maistr e guillaum e volan t auss i aduoca t dicelu i seigneu r a declare que lu i n e se s compaignons n e vouldroien t présume r d e fair e o u entreprandr e aucun e chos e contr e lonneu r e t auctorite de ladicte court ne des conseilliers dicelle / e t a Requis ou la court vouldroit faire ordonner de la matière estre oy / A este délibère que de ladicte declaracion sera fait Registre": AN, X 1A 1504 , fol. 131v. O n the royal advocate Guillaume Volant , who serve d from 26 August 1497 until hi s death in 1505, see Maugis , Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:336; on Le Maistre, see n. 9 above.

27 AN , X lA 1504 , fols . 131v-34v . We are deepl y gratefu l t o Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r he r help with th e sessions o f July 1498.

28 ".. . le Roy a este aux plaidoieries Present fa]uquel ont este les duc [sic] de bourbon de nemoux et autres pers de france et grans princes et seigneurs du sang": AN, X lA 1504 , fol. 129v ; three cases were treated in th e Conseil. The registe r o f mornin g pleading s note s les s explicid y tha t o n th e 5t h Courthard i presided, "Le roy presid[ant ] e n sieg e ou i l est demeure iusques a leure acoustume e sonnée, bie n acompaigne": AN, X 1A 4839 , fol.297v; th e cases heard on th e 5th are found o n fols. 297v-302v.

29 AN, X 1A 4839 , fols . 299v-302v. Th e sui t wa s brough t b y Jea n Damont , wh o serve d a s bailli of Montargis fo r Charle s VIII while Loui s hel d Orléans in apanage , an d who wante d t o kee p hi s pos t (and have it transferred to Orléans) after the duchy reverted to the crown; naturally he was opposed by Jean d e Lonnain, bailli of Orléans. The lawyer s involve d i n th e cas e (includin g Le Maistre, wh o appeared for the king) invoked historical precedents from the Roman past, the early history of France, and th e reign s o f Phili p II I an d Phili p VI; th e Roman senate an d th e "presides des provinces" were compared t o the Parlement and the royal provincia l official s o f France , declared "Immortelz" for " k conseruacion du roy et de la couronne" (as the Roman officials wer e said to b e "Immortelz" for "la conseruacion de lempire"). The lawyer s cite d Roma n an d cano n la w an d th e principl e o f cessante causa; they stressed the king's imperial rights within his kingdom; Le Maistre declared "que appanage est vng nom grec qui est dit apanegos grece qui est substantacio latine" (an argument he used five days later, on 10 July 1498, as counsel for the king in a case involving the county of Clermont and the duchy of Bourbon, when he also invoked the "singulières maximes [de lappanaige]" found in the Parlement's decree concerning th e apanage of Alphonse of Poitiers ; AN, X 1A 8325 , fol.292r-v).

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morning pleading s note s tha t i t wa s passe d "a d consilium, " an d th e registe r o f afternoon pleading s (whic h doe s no t mentio n th e king' s presence ) show s tha t eighteen cases were heard, with Courthardi presiding. As Jean le Maistre acknowledg-ed on the 7th, there was such a large crowd of people in court on the 6th because of the king's visit that some of the councilors of the Parlement were forced to take their places o n th e lowe r benches , an d th e advocate s presume d t o si t wit h the m an d wished to plead from there; in the eyes of the Parlement this was a shocking breac h of protocol , for which the advocates' apology was required and duly offered o n the 7th30. Whateve r problem s aros e o n th e 6th , th e formal , solem n sessio n o f 7 July, attended b y al l chambers o f th e tribunal and by princes bot h ecclesiastica l an d lay , clearly offere d fittin g testimon y t o th e king' s majest y an d hi s dedicatio n t o hi s highest court and the justice i t dispensed .

The meetin g hel d o n 13 June 1499, quite differen t fro m tha t o f 7 July 1498, resembled those over which Charles VIII had presided in 1493 to secure registration of his ordonnance on justice. On 7 June 1499 the Conseil of the Parlement had begun to hea r a lengthy ordonnance on justice , an d th e readin g continue d i n th e king' s presence six days later31. On 13 June he arrived with a large and impressive train of dignitaries, ecclesiastica l an d lay , an d th e Spanis h an d Venetia n ambassadors . Th e remainder of the ordonnance was duly read, in full court , and with open doors; the royal advocat e Jean l e Maistre the n announce d fo r th e procurato r general , Jea n Burdelot, tha t anyon e wh o oppose d th e ordonnance would b e prosecuted fo r les e majesty, an d the king was declared t o posses s mor e authorit y i n his kingdom tha n the emperor in his empire o r an y othe r Christia n king . Registratio n o f th e ordon-nance in "the true Senate of the kingdom" was then demanded32. As had happened in 1493 the first president , Pierre de Courthardi, humbly requeste d the king to correc t any problems late r brought t o hi s attention . The chamber s were cleared , the door s closed, and the bishop of Albi administered oaths to observe the ordonnance, sworn on the gospels, to the archbishop of Reims, the bishop of Luçon, and the officials o f

30 AN, X 1A 4839 , fol. 302v; curiously, th e registe r indicates tha t on Saturday , 7 July (a s well a s on th e next day) "Curia vacat," although on the 7th (as on the 6th) the councilors were present for the king's visit. The register of the Conseil contains no entry for 6 July, although in the margin of the account of the last pleading on 5 July appears the note "D. aux parties le vie Iuillet": AN , X 1A 1504 , fol. 130r-v. The cases heard on 6 July are found in AN, X 1A 8325, fols. 283r-89r. For Le Maistre's apology, see n. 26 above.

31 AN, X 1A 1504 , fol. 314v (7 June); fols. 319v-20 (13 June). The ordonnance, dated 8 June, is published in Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 21:228-31.

32 ".. . a este di t par le maistre pour l e procureur general du Roy / quil escoutoi t si aucu n eust este si audacieux ymo potiu s téméraire d e soy opposer o u autremen t vouloi r empesche r leffec t desdicte s ordonnances par ce quil nest loisible a nul dy contrevenir ou soy oppose r aucunement / e t si aucun le faisoit l e poursuiuroi t comm e crimineul x d e leze maiest e auss i I I est decide par ordonnance / disan t oultre qu e l e Ro y a plus dauctorit e e n so n Royaum e qu e lempereu r e n so n empir e n e autr e Ro y chrestien et nest le Roy ne ses subiectz aucunemen t liez ne subiectz aux loix des empereurs et cecy es t assez decide non seullement par lopinion des docteurs citramontains Mais par ceulx vltramontains / e t en c e n a difficulté / e t pou r c e qu e l a court d e céan s es t l e vray séna t du Royaum e o u le s edit z e t ordonnances de s Roys prennent leu r dernièr e form e e t auctorit e quan t elle s y son t publiée s e t enregistrées a Requis que sur le Reply desdictes ordonnances soit mis lecta publicata et Registrata afin que nul nen puisse prétendre cause dignorance et quelles soient perpetuo fermes et estables": AN, X lA

1504, fols. 319v-20r. On Jean Burdelot, procurator general from 13 November 1498 to 20 March 1507, see Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:328.

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the Parlement, including sixty-three councilors. Again the clerk did not comment on the decor, but the solemnit y o f th e proceedings suggest s tha t special ceremony wa s observed. Agai n a roya l sessio n wa s use d t o secur e registratio n o f a n ordonnance about which the Parlement harbored seriou s reservations .

Finally, o n 13 November 1508 Louis attende d th e solem n openin g o f th e Parle-ment following th e celebratio n o f a mas s o f th e Hol y Spirit , A hug e trai n o f attendants accompanie d him . A t thi s sessio n th e onl y busines s recorde d wa s th e reception of Claude de Seyssel, who was sworn in as master of requests of the king's household33. Thre e day s late r the kin g returne d t o th e Parlement to participat e i n pleadings34.

On several other occasions th e king seems to have visited the court simply to take part in pleadings o r hear decisions35. At the end of 1504 and the beginning of 1505, however, his visits were marked by declarations of the royal will and the Parlement's capitulation.

Louis sat in the Parlement on 5 December 1504. Although he was accompanied by the duk e o f Alençon and fou r counts , ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t th e sessio n wa s particularly solemn. The king participated in pleadings and heard judgment delivered against the cardinal of Albret, who was fined and the penalty directed to the purchase of brea d fo r prisoners 36. Th e situatio n wa s differen t whe n Loui s returne d t o th e court, irate , eleven days later. The Parlement's action on 5 December had infuriated him. After tha t session he informed th e first president , Pierre de Courthardi, o f hi s displeasure at not being consulted about the disposition of the fine (as he had ordered should b e don e th e yea r before) ; h e woul d retur n t o th e court , h e said , an d hav e it announce d i n hi s presenc e tha t th e penalt y ha d bee n adjudge d t o him . O n 16 December 1504 he appeare d i n th e Parlement, accompanied b y th e cardina l o f Amboise and a number of {plusieurs) prelates and lords37; he came to force the court to do his will. H e addresse d the first president himself, repeatin g his demand for an announcement regardin g th e fine , askin g tha t i t b e mad e wit h ope n doors , an d remarking tha t h e wa s perfecd y abl e t o provid e fo r prisoner s i n th e Conciergerie

33 AN, X 1A 1512 , fol . lr; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 418-19 . O n Seyssel , Blanchard, Les Genealogies des Maistre s des Requestes, 244-45 .

34 AN , X 1A 4850 , fols . 3v-4v . 35 AN , U 2168 , fol. 19 v (5 December 1504). On 1 6 November 1508 the king attended pleadings ("Le Roy

séant") and pronounced one decision: AN, X lA 4850, fols. 3v-4v. On 18 March 1510 ("Le Roy seant") he was present to hear the twenty-one case s pleaded on that day, of which one involved the estate of Adrien of Sainte-Maure, count of Nesle , an d another Charlotte o f Bourbon , countes s o f Never s and widow o f Engilber t o f Cleves , coun t o f Nevers : AN , X 1A 4851 , fols . 360v-69r; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 5:1 2 (Nesle); 1:324, 3:45 0 (Nevers). O n 31 May 1513 the kin g was agai n present fo r pleadings ("Le Roy seant en sa court") and announced seven judgments: AN, X IA 4855, fols. 185v-92v.

36 For most o f thes e proceedings, the copies in Le Nain's collection provide the only information, sinc e the register of th e Conseil (X ÏA 1510 ) is hopelessly damaged : AN U 2168, fols. 19r-21v. Informatio n about attendanc e on 5 and 16 December and the cases that were heard then is found in X1A 4846 (the register o f mornin g pleadings) , fols. 35r-40r, 54r-58r ; U 2182 (L e Nai n copy), fols. 382r-89v, 390r-400r.

37 "L e Roy Sean t en s a court acompaign e du cardinal dambois e légat en franc e et plusieur s prelatz et seigneurs du sang": AN, X 1A 4846 , fol. 54r.

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himself38. Havin g give n hi s orders , "h e mounte d hi s hig h seat, " an d th e firs t president an d councilor s too k thei r place s o n elevate d benches 39. The n th e door s were opened, and after several pleadings the first president declared that fines coul d not be distributed excep t a t the king's pleasure and on his orders , and that th e king himself intende d t o provide for prisoners 40. This was a simple session fo r pleading , yet "th e high seat" that the king occupied fo r th e public pronouncement wa s i n all likelihood royall y decorated . Mor e important , th e king' s interventio n t o forc e th e Parlement to act on a question of principle demonstrated the power that he exercised over the court .

Similar mystery surrounds the decor and procedure employed on 2 January 1505, when Louis visited the court with the cardinal of Amboise and a number of notable s to atten d pleadings 41. Som e importan t case s wer e heard 42, bu t fa r more significan t was the proclamation tha t the kin g instructed th e chancellor , Guy , lor d of Roche -fort, t o make . Th e king, Gu y declared , ha d prepare d a n edic t an d ordonnance concerning watc h an d ward, an d he wished immediat e registratio n withou t furthe r discussion. This was obtained, and the clerk was forced to write on the royal letter s patent lecta, publicata, et registratay "i n th e customar y manner." 43 Whateve r th e trappings an d whateve r th e sessio n wa s termed , Loui s XI I wa s clearl y usin g a personal visit to the Parlement, as he had done on 13 June 1499 and on the preceding 16 December, t o force th e Parlement to accep t his will .

Louis too k enoug h interes t i n th e paraphernali a use d i n th e Parlement for ceremonial roya l visit s t o provid e ne w trapping s whe n th e Grand ' Chambre was

38 "E t tantost est venu le Roy lequel a diet a Monsieur le premier president qu'il vouloit qu'en sa presence les huys ouuert s a la plaid oie rie fust prononcé que ladicte amande luy estoi t adiuge e ... I l a persisté qu'il vouloit qu'en sa presence II fust prononcé ainsy que dessus, et qu'il entendoit pourueoir très bien aux prisoniers de la conciergerie ...": AN, U 2168 , fol. 20r. Unsure about the proper way to designate this meeting, La Roche Flavin included it as an example of a lit de justice (correcdy describing the king as being "au Conseil & plaidoyé") but later cited it as an instance of occasions when the king came t o the Parlement "sans pompe, & solemnité": Treze livres des Parlemens, 291, 385, and see 103 below.

39 ".. . e t c e faict le roy es t monté en so n haul t siege , et s'es t mis Monsieu r le premier presiden t et Messieurs les Conseilliers es sieges d'enhault , et ont est é ouuertes les portes": AN, U 2168 , fol . 20r .

40 ".. . e t qu e doresnauan t toute s le s amande s d e ladict e Cou r s e distribueron t a l'ordonnance dudic t seigneur e t no n aultrement , e t qu e ledic t seigneu r estoi t délibér é d e pourueoi r e n toute diligenc e a u faict des prisonniers i a ce qu'ils n'eussent aulcun e nécessité": AN, U 2168 , fol . 20v .

41 "L e Roy sean t en sa court accompaigne de messeigneurs le légat les duc dalencon contes de vendosme de neuers et de dunoys e t autres": AN, X lA 4846 , fol 77r .

42 AN , X 1A 4846 , fols . 77r-79v ; AN , U 2182 , fols. 401v-4v (L e Nain copy). 43 ".. . l e roy est venu en sa Cour, et a faict dire par M" Guy de Rochefort son chancelier, qu'il auoit faict

vn edict et ordonnance touchant les guets prétendus par les seigneurs et capitaines de son royaum e e t qu'il veul t que se s lettre s patente s dudic t edict et ordonnance soien t présentemen t publiées , leue s e t enregistrées en ladicte Cour, en Interdisant a icelle cour et tous ses autres luges toute cognoissance des procès qui pourroient suruenir a cause desdicts guets , et en retient la cognoissance a soy, e t faict sans autre deliberation ne ne demander par opinion a la Cour, il a faict ouurir les huys appel 1er les aduocats, lire et publier lesdictes lettres, lesquelles leues après que mondict Sr le chance Hier [sic] s'est leué, et en a demandé a M" de la cour I I m'a diet mettes su r les lettres , lecta, publicata e t registrata en l a manière accoustumee": AN, U 2168 , fol. 22r-v. Again, since the register of the Conseil is illegible, informatio n concerning thi s sessio n i s take n fro m Le Nain's transcription . Th e ordonnance, dated a t Pari s o n 31 January 1504 and "read, published and registered" in the Parlement on 2 January 1505, is published in Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 21:315-16 , and, wit h Robertet' s endorsemen t an d th e formul a o f registration, i n Edicts et ordonnances, ed. Fontanon, 3:3736-37.

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redecorated, a process completed b y 1 December 151144. The ensemble was confec-ted of ric h violet an d re d velvet, decorated with Louis ' devices, golden porcupines, crowned doubl e L's , an d fleurs de lis. I t seem s scarcel y likel y tha t th e apparatu s remained unused during his reign, particularly sinc e Louis delighted in ceremony45. If the apparatus o f th e lit de justice wa s employed , i t i s equally difficul t t o imagine that contemporarie s di d no t notic e i t an d tha t som e observer s di d no t cal l th e sessions - or a t leas t th e mos t forma l o f the m - lits de justice. Th e phras e wa s certainly current at the beginning o f the sixteenth century, when Claude de Seyssel, who was honored at the opening session of the Parlement in 1508, designated as a lit de justice th e special session hel d in Vendôme in 1458 to try the duke of Alençon46. Clear substantive difference s distinguishe d th e occasions whe n Loui s XI I attende d pleadings from those when he appeared for ceremonial purposes with a large retinue, and from those when he came as sovereign legislator , determined to impel the court to accep t hi s will . Th e silenc e o f th e source s bar s knowledg e o f th e terminolog y applied to the sessions , but they were no different i n nature from thos e held in the past.

The seve n know n visit s tha t Franci s I (1515-47) paid t o th e Parlement between 1515 and 1524 were as disparate as those of Loui s XII . The last four occasions were held with considerable ceremony; there is no sure information abou t the first three . Nor i s ther e an y evidenc e regardin g th e us e o f an y specia l term s t o designat e th e sessions.

According t o th e Parlement' s records , Franci s mad e hi s firs t appearanc e i n th e tribunal followin g hi s entr y t o Paris , o n 14 March 1515. He cam e t o atten d th e Conseil, and his entourage soo n lef t th e chambers , "since they wer e not part of th e Conseil" Two week s later , o n 29 March, h e returne d t o hea r pleadings 47. Thi s sequence - a visi t t o th e Conseil and the n attendanc e a t pleadings - followed th e pattern observe d b y Loui s XI I i n 1508 when h e wa s presen t fo r th e ceremonia l opening o f th e Parlement' s ter m an d then came back thre e days later to hear cases.

When King Francis visited the Parlement on 5 February 1517, he was accompanied by his cousin Louis of Bourbon, prince of La Roche-sur-Yon; Jean of Albret, lord of

44 Stein, Palais de Justice, 50; Le Paige, Lettre, 10 ; France d'Hézecques, Souvenirs, 75. Although ther e appears to be no explici t evidence that Louis XII commissioned th e new paraphernalia, he must have done so. His devices were prominendy featured on the apparatus (said to be used for lits de justice) that Francis II ordered the Parlement to dispatch for the meeting of the Estates General at Orléans in 1560: Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 44-46, esp. n . 77 (Fr. ed. 43, 332-33 n. 77); Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 1:242; Du Chesne, Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys, 524, 710*" [male fo r 849]; idem , Les Antiqvitez et Recherches des Villes, 1:187 ; n . 2 0 above. Scheller discusses Louis' devices, in "Ensigns of Authority, " 78-81.

45 Seyssel , "Le s Loûenges, " 11 1 (compare s Loui s XII and Loui s XI); and Scheller , "Ensigns o f Authority," passim, an d esp. 99-100; Couderc, Bibliothèque nationale. Album, 57-58, no. CXXIX . Couderc an d Schelle r presen t an d discus s a suggestiv e roya l dedicatio n miniatur e execute d i n 1505 (BN, fr. 702, fol. lr), which shows Seyssel presenting his translation of Xenophon's Cyropaedia t o the king, who sits in majesty below a canopy that radiates light and is surmounted by an image of God; the attendance includes red-robed lawyers , evidendy members of th e Parlement.

46 See 41-42 above. 47 For 14 March 1515, AN, X IA 1517 , fols. 96r-98r; Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François I",

1:53-54; D u Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 419-20 . For 29 March 1515, ibid., 420; AN, X 1A 4858, fols . 326v-32v .

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Orval; Artus Gouffier, lord of Boisy an d grand maître of France; Louis II, lord of La Trémoille; the bisho p o f Lisieux; an d Antoin e d u Prat, chancello r o f France 48. The king used the occasion to harangue the court and demand conformity to his will. First he dismissed the dignitaries who had accompanied him; next he summoned the presidents an d councilor s o f th e Parlement who wer e i n th e Tournelle, a s wel l a s those of the Enquêtes. Then, speaking on the king's behalf , the chancellor addressed the Parlement on three subjects: the Concordat of Bologna; judicial reform; and the king's suprem e legislative authority , which Francis believed had been impugne d b y the court' s failur e t o registe r th e ordonnance on waters an d forest s tha t h e ha d directed t o it , a s wel l a s othe r letter s issue d i n favo r o f variou s people . Presiden t Thibault Baillet attempte d t o explai n th e Parlement' s dela y i n registerin g th e ordonnance, but to no avail . The king himself took th e floor t o declare that "he had no reason to be content with the court." He should , he said, be obeyed "as king and master" ("comme Roy et maistre"); the Parlement had n o mor e authorit y tha n h e bestowed upon it. Nonetheless the court had not acted on various matters referred to it, forcin g hi m t o remov e t o th e Grand Conseil consideration o f th e count y o f Armagnac (whose donatio n t o Charles , duk e o f Alençon, the cour t opposed) 49. Further, the king proclaimed, i t was his business alon e to make ordonnances, as he had done t o regulat e waters an d forests , an d in thi s cas e the cour t wishe d t o seiz e more authority than he had given to it - which he would not suffer. When he ordered "his" cour t t o act , h e expecte d immediat e obedience . An d si x day s late r th e ordonnance in question was indee d registere d "o n th e comman d an d order o f ou r lord th e king , repeatedl y issued " ("de mandato et precepto domin i nostr i Regis , reiteratis vicibus factis") 50. As Charle s VIII and Louis XII ha d done, Franci s I used the force o f hi s presence to intimidate th e court .

Where the king sat and how the court was decked in 1515 and 1517 the clerk of the Parlement, Nicole Pichon , did not say , but i t would b e surprising i f n o ceremonia l trappings were displayed, a t least for the visit following th e entry. I t would als o be surprising i f n o suc h paraphernali a decke d th e chamber s o f th e Parlement on 21 March 1517, when the king presided over a solemn assembly at which representa-tives o f th e kingdom' s town s joine d th e member s o f th e Parlement to hea r th e chancellor, Antoine du Prat, discuss the Concordat of Bologna. This, of course, was

48 AN, X 1A 1519 , fol. 53r; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 420 ; Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:354-5 5 (Bourbon) ; 4:167-6 8 (L a Trémoille) ; 6:21 8 (Orval) ; 6:452-5 3 (D u Prat) ; 8:384-85 (Boisy) ; on Du Prat, see also Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:47 n. 1 .

49 Doucet , Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:58-61, esp. 61 (registration by the Grand Conseil on 2 March 1516); for use of simila r phraseology, ibid. , 1:123.

50 AN, X lA 1519 , fols. 52v-56r; Barillon , Journal, 1:306; Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, ed. Blondel , 1:110-23; Du TiUet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 420 . Doucet designates the session a lit de justice, possibly because of the declarations regarding royal judicial power that the king made there: Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:69-70. No referenc e t o th e ordonnance o n waters an d forests i s found i n Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 46 (Fr. ed. 43-44). The ordonnance, issued at Lyon in March 1516, was registere d o n 11 February 1517 in th e Parlement and o n 20 March 1517 in th e Chambre des comptes: Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de François Ier, 1:348-80, no . 80, esp. 380-81 n . 1 (problems encountere d i n th e Parlement of Rouen , wher e th e ordonnance was finall y registered, with modifications, o n 5 February 1518).

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hardly a n ordinar y sessio n o f th e court , an d th e specia l meetin g i s know n onl y because Jean Barrillon , the chancellor's secretary , describes i t in his journal51.

The chie f busines s o f th e sessio n o f th e Parlement that th e king attende d o n 15 February 1522 was th e denunciation o f Empero r Charles V for his usurpations and treasonous act s a s coun t o f Flander s an d Artois, vassal o f th e kin g o f France , an d peer o f th e realm . Th e civi l cler k o f th e Parlement, now Séraphin du Tillet52, recorded tha t Franci s wa s present , "sittin g i n hi s cour t an d accompanie d b y a number of {plusieurs) princes of the blood, peers of France , and his councilors," but he simply liste d th e king , Charles , duk e o f Alençon (who wa s a peer), François of Bourbon, coun t (her e sai d t o b e "sieur") of Saint-Po l (wh o wa s no t a peer), th e chancellor (Antoine du Prat), and the admira l (Guillaume Gouffier, lor d o f Bonni -vet)53. Afte r th e forma l proceeding s fo r treason , th e cour t turne d t o ordinar y business.

In his narrative Séraphin du Tillet may purposely have exaggerated the impressive-ness o f th e attendance . Possibly , however , afte r th e charge s agains t th e Empero r were read and the chancellor spoke to the court and the assembled notables (whos e presence wa s necessar y fo r th e projecte d tria l o f a peer) , mos t o f th e dignitarie s withdrew and only thos e specifically cite d in the Parlement's register stayed on. The king seize d th e occasio n t o addres s th e cour t himsel f regardin g th e controversia l ordonnance he had issued adding twenty councilors to the Parlement, thus creating a new chamber. The councilors of the Parlement hody opposed this measure, since the addition of new members (which brought income to the crown) inevitably diminish-ed the value of thei r own offices 54. The king made clear his determination t o see his decree accepted , althoug h rathe r tha n insistin g o n immediat e registratio n h e announced tha t h e woul d receiv e th e Parlement' s remonstrance s th e next day ; no t until 3 March did the court yield, and not unti l 31 March did it agree to include the

51 Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:87-88; Bariïlon, Journal, 1:274-304 , esp. 275 (the king's intention to appea r "en l a cour t d e Parlement " and hi s appearanc e "en l a chambr e d e Parlement").

52 I n 1515 Du Tillet was royal notary and secretary, charged with responsibility for paying officials o f the royal household , and he still held this office i n March 1518: Catalogue des actes de Francois Ier, 1:22, no. 129; 66-67, no. 304; 5:237, no. 15895; 263-64, no. 16028; 272, no. 16078; 384-85, no. 16655; 388, no. 16671. Pichon, Du Tillet's father-in-law , die d befor e 11 August 1518, and th e kin g grante d hi s office t o Du Tillet, who was received as civil clerk on 4 February 1519, when he was interrogated and the roya l letter s o f appointmen t (whic h excuse d hi m fo r havin g pai d for th e offic e an d thus havin g contravened th e ordonnance forbidding purchas e of the court's offices) wer e formally read : AN, X IA

1520, fols . 308v-9r; X , A 1521 , fols. 77v-78r. Cf. Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:18 4 n . 6 (alleging tha t the office was made hereditary in the Du Tillet family); followed b y Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 102 n. 6 (giving Pichon' s nam e a s "Pinchon " and citin g AN , X IA 1520 , fol . 308v) (Fr . ed . 342-43 n. 2). We have been unable to locate the letters of appointment , said to have been issued on 1 November 1518: Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:184 n. 6. Pichon had become greffier cwil in 1498 : ibid., 3: 125 , 136 .

53 ".. . sean t en sa court et assiste de plusieurs princes de son sang pers de france et ses conseillers": AN , X1A 1524 , fol. 95v ; the attendance list is found on fol. 95r-v. The first item following the list of sixt y councilors begins , "Ce lour après la deliberation faict e touchant le conte de flandres a diet Le Roy a ladicte court. . ." See also Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2 : 452-55, at 453. Cf. Hanley , The Lit d e Justice, 46 , 9 1 (Fr . ed . 44 , 84) . See Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:276 (Alençon), 325-2 6 (Saint-Pol); 5:615-16 , 7:880-8 1 (Bonnivet) .

54 Douce t provides background , in Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:158-69.

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word "registrata" in its pubhcation of the edict55. Again the king used a session of the Parlement to press obedience to his will. Again the abbreviated style of the civil clerk makes it impossible to know what trappings were used for the proceedings, although it i s difficul t t o imagine tha t regal paraphernalia were not in evidence .

On 30 June 1523, when the register of the Conseil says that the king was "seant en sa court de Parlement," the civil clerk went on to note that he was accompanied "by a number o f lord s o f hi s blood , peer s o f France , an d othe r prince s an d lord s o f hi s council." H e reporte d th e king' s decisio n tha t th e visitin g duk e o f Albany , Joh n Stewart, shoul d be seated between th e duke of Alençon and the bishop of Langres , both peers , becaus e h e wa s "princ e o f Scotland." 56 Th e cler k (agai n Séraphin d u Tillet) listed as attending the chancellor (who was named), the duke of Alençon and the bisho p o f Langre s (bot h designated a s peers), Claud e Patarin , first presiden t o f the Parlement of Dijon , th e bishops o f Pari s and Lisieux, th e abbot o f Saint-Denis , the grand écuyer (whose name , Galea s de Saint-Severin, wa s given ) th e Venetia n ambassador (Giovanni Badoer) , the first chamberlain (the lord of La Trémoille), the grand maître (René , bastard of Savoy , count o f Villars), and the admiral (sai d to be the lord of Bonnivet) 57. As in 1522 there seems to be some discrepancy between th e impressive assembl y tha t Du Tillet say s accompanie d th e kin g an d th e actua l individuals whom he cites, although the list contains more dignitaries than had been true a year before. I t is also more developed and elaborate than in 1522, for Du Tillet included som e give n name s an d ranks , rathe r tha n simpl y referrin g t o thos e i n attendance b y their titles. Thus, for example , rather than citing "the chancellor," he lists "M. A. dupra t cheualie r chancelier." He say s nothing , however , abou t th e physical setting in which the meeting occurred. This session continued th e proceed-ings for treason against Emperor Charles V as count of Flanders and Artois that had begun on 15 February 1522. It has all the marks of a solemn, ceremonial occasion; it was certainl y unusual . Anothe r registe r describin g th e meetin g apparentl y onc e existed, and it may have mentioned the lit de justice; on the other hand, the editors of

55 Doucet discusse s thi s episode , i n Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:159-67, esp . 162 ; the issue was raised agai n on 9 March 1524 (ibid., 307, and 59 below); Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de François Ier, 3:95-98, no . 300 ; Maugis , Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:151-57 . Th e Parlement did not oppose the ordonnance that the king issued on 15 February 1522 commanding th e levy o f a thousand footsoldier s t o b e pai d b y Paris , whic h h e ordere d registere d i n th e Parlement; Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François I", 1:158 ; Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de François Ier, 3:108-17 no . 305 . The king' s ordonnance creating additiona l official s o f th e Châtelet, promulgated o n 4 February 1522, was registere d o n 26 and 29 April following : ibid. , 1:102-5, nos . 302-3.

56 "C e lour le Roy seant en sa court de parlement acompaigne de plusieurs des seigneurs de son sang pers de france et autres princes et seigneurs de son conseil": AN, X 1A 1525 , fols. 274r-77r (much damaged); Du Tîllet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 420-21 . The king declared that the privilege given to Alban y shoul d no t prejudic e th e rights o f th e peer s o f France , wh o wer e "les premiers & plus prochains dudit Seigneu r selon leur s ordre s & dignite z desdite s pairries. " In th e speech that h e delivered i n th e lit de justice o f 15 January 1537, the roya l advocat e Jacques Cappe l referre d t o th e session of 30 June 1523 as "cette dite Cour , garni e de Pairs": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:509; see 72-73 below. The Godefroys include no excerpt from the register of the Parlement's Conseil for th e sessio n o f 30 June 1523 in ibid. , probabl y becaus e th e registe r wa s exceedingl y difficul t t o decipher.

57 AN, X1A 1525 , fol. 274v. See Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 8:38 5 (the bastard of Savoy), 502 (Saint-Severin); and nn. 48 and 53 above.

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the Ordonnances^ who cite the register in referring to the assembly as a lit de justice > may themselve s b e responsible fo r the appearance o f th e phrase 58.

The sessions held on 8 and 9 March 1524, when the king attended the Parlement's Conseil, were als o solemn 59. A t th e firs t th e court hear d charges o f treaso n agains t Charles, duke o f Bourbon , an d hi s accomplices. A t th e second th e king demande d and received a detailed report on the Parlement's actions against those who had been apprehended an d interrogated60. Then, after a long whispered consultation with the king, Chancellor Du Prat attacked the court for the restrictions it had imposed on a royal edic t creatin g fou r ne w master s o f requests ; h e stresse d th e financia l an d administrative purpose s serve d b y th e decre e and , eve n more , th e king' s righ t t o create additional officers. Then Du Prat turned to the king's creation of twenty ne w parlementary councilor s t o for m a Chambre aux Enquêtes; predictably, th e cour t had remonstrated against the ordonnance, only to be told by the king that he wished it registere d withou t alteration . A t thi s th e kin g himsel f intervened , sayin g tha t remonstrances wer e wel l an d good bu t that when he declared his will he should be obeyed. Th e court' s procrastinatio n had , h e said , cause d th e los s o f Mila n b y depriving him o f 70,000 l.t. A s he had in 1517, the king reminded th e court that its authority came from him alone; taking a different tac k from Charles VIII and Louis XII, h e declare d tha t th e bod y wa s "no t a senat e o f Rome." 61 Whe n th e firs t president, Jean d e Selve, humbl y replie d tha t h e an d hi s colleague s ha d acte d i n accordance with their consciences and sincerely wished to obey, the king, apparently somewhat chastened , cam e clos e t o apologizin g fo r th e sal e o f judicia l office s an d said that he intende d t o repa y the sum s paid for the posts a s soon as he could .

These wer e n o ordinar y sessions . Two la y peer s (th e faithfu l duk e o f Alençon, joined b y Charles , duk e o f Vendôme) and tw o ecclesiastica l peer s (th e bishop s o f Langres an d Noyo n o n th e 8th , thos e o f Chalon s an d Noyo n o n th e 9th ) wer e present each day; so too was the chancellor; so too were the great chamberlain, the grand maître, the first chamberlain, and the grand sénéchal of Normandy (identified , respectively, a s the duke o f Longueville , th e bastard of Savoy , an d th e lords o f L a

58 In Ordonnances, ed. Laurière, 3:347 n. e, the editors cite "un Registre qui est au Greffe du Parlement, & qui es t intitulé , Repertoire d'Arrests pour les Huissiers de la Cour du Parlement**; o n fol . 9r , they say, is a long account of an affair of interest to the ushers, "à la fin de laquelle il est dit, que le dernier de Juin 1523 . l e Ro y vin t teni r so n Li t d e Justice a u Parlement, " and a quotation follows . Extensiv e searching at the AN, wher e we were aided by members of the staff conversan t with the parlementary records, has failed t o produce thi s register or any information abou t it.

59 Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:255-317, esp . 304- 5 (analysis o f th e tw o surviving list s of attendance) ; and 172-74 (the problems caused b y the king's proposed edicts) .

60 Doucet discusse s thi s aspec t o f th e proceeding s agains t Bourbon , i n Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:298-304, 310-15 .

61 Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:461-6 2 (from th e accoun t recorde d b y Nicola s Malon , criminal clerk of the Parlement [BN, fr. 5109, fols. 290r-98v], although the Godefroys omit a letter of the kin g date d 8 March tha t Malo n include d o n fol. 293r-v); Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, ed . Blondel, 1:272-91 ; Doucet , Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:305-7; Knecht , Francis I, 148-59, esp . 157-58 . References t o th e Parlement a s a senate unde r Charles VIII and Loui s XII are discussed on 4 4 an d 5 2 above. Th e conceit's popularit y di d no t diminish . I n hi s Journal, 33, Jean-Baptiste de la Fosse referred to royal letters sent in October 1559 "au Sénat de Paris." Later, a eulogy of Achille de Harlay (1536-1616) declared him first president "du Sénat du Parlement": Kaiser , "Les cours souveraines," 28-29; on Harlay, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 8:799 .

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Trémoille an d Brézé) , and th e lord s o f Montmorenc y an d Brion . Eigh t master s o f requests attended the first meeting and five the second; the names of all were given62. Not onl y wa s th e attendanc e distinguished , bu t th e natur e o f th e busines s treate d made these sessions different fro m others , as proceedings for treason were launched and exchanges regarding the venality o f judicial office an d the king's right to ordain without oppositio n occurred . Because o f the criminal proceedings agains t Bourbon, the event s wer e recorde d bot h b y Séraphin du Tillet an d b y th e crimina l clerk , Nicolas Malon . Thei r account s ar e virtuall y th e same , an d th e list s o f attendanc e found in both are slighdy more detailed than those recorded by Du Tillet since 1522: they specify the place of meeting (the Grand' Chambre); they give more informatio n about th e identitie s an d ranks of thos e present; two o f th e three tallies kep t on th e two day s designat e th e kin g a s "ou r sovereig n lord. " Neithe r clerk , however , attempted t o describ e th e session , although , fo r th e firs t time , bot h note d tha t th e first chamberlain wa s statione d a t the king' s feet , th e position h e occupie d a t later sessions which Du Tillet and his successors would explicitly associat e with the lit de justice; neither Du Tillet nor Malon said anything regarding the position of the great chamberlain, th e duke o f Longueville 63. A s t o th e substanc e o f th e meetings, thes e sessions, lik e earlie r ones , foreshadowe d occasion s whe n th e kin g appeare d i n th e Parlement purely an d simply t o force registratio n o f unpopula r edicts .

Few references to the lit de justice surviv e for the last years of Charles VIIFs reign, for that of Louis XII, and for the first decade of Francis I's. The absence of the term in officia l record s doe s no t mean , however , tha t eithe r th e decorativ e o r th e institutional lit de justice had vanished. There seems no question that the sumptuous trappings wer e stil l employed , fo r Loui s XI I care d enoug h abou t the m to provid e new drapery , mor e splendi d tha n befor e an d decorate d wit h hi s ow n devices . Allusions t o roya l sessions o f th e Parlement as lits de justice mad e by Guillaume d e Jaligny under Charles VIII and by Claud e de Seyssel under Louis XII show that the phrase wa s stil l i n us e a t th e roya l cour t an d stil l connote d occasio n a s wel l a s apparatus. Mos t important , th e kin g continue d t o visi t th e Parlement for solem n sessions tha t official record s had termed and would soo n agai n cal l lits de justice.

Charles VIIF s declaratio n i n 1485 that th e lit de justice wa s hel d i n Pari s an d nowhere els e shows the institution's importanc e at the end of th e fifteenth century . The taciturnit y o f th e Parlement' s clerk s an d th e silenc e o f th e record s the y kep t makes it impossible, however, to determine whether they themselves used the name to designate the occasions when the king visited the Parlement for the trial of peers, the registratio n o f unpopula r legislation , an d the discussio n o f issue s tha t touche d him and the realm. This situatio n soo n changed .

62 AN, X 1A 1526 , fols. 130r-31v; Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy, 2:455, 457 , 458. See Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:21 8 (Longueville); 3:466 (Vendôme) , 551-59 , 602-4 (Montmorency); 4:571 (Brion); 6:228-29 (Montmorency); 7:515 (Brézé); and nn. 48, 53, and 57 above. Van Kerrebrouck (Les Valois, 448-49) provides a particularly usefu l account o f the Longuevill e family .

63 AN, X 1A 1526 , fols. 130r-31v; also fols. 198r-201r; BN, fr . 5109, fols. 290v, 293v; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 421-22 .

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V. F R A N C I S I, THE PARLEMENT , A N D TH E LI T D E JUSTICE

Francis I (1515-47) did no t si t i n th e Parlement of Pari s betwee n Marc h 1524 and July 1527. Because o f hi s campaig n i n Ital y an d hi s defeat , capture , an d imprison -ment, th e intervening years were difficult fo r him, as they were for hi s mother, th e regent Louise of Savoy. Although the Parlement supported her, relations were ofte n strained in the absence of "the lord and master." The court's outspoken remonstran-ces demanding judicial and administrative reform jeopardized the balance estabhshed in th e year s sinc e Franci s ascende d th e throne , th e delicac y o f whic h ha d bee n witnessed b y th e strained exchanges i n the session o f 9 March 1524 1.

Although released in March 1526, the king did not appear in Paris until April 1527. He returned more determined than ever to reassert his authority and anxious to stifle the criticis m voice d i n hi s absence 2. Hi s appearanc e thre e month s late r i n thre e sessions o f th e Parlement made these aims clear.

When th e kin g reentere d Pari s o n 14 April, h e di d s o abruptl y an d withou t ceremony. Suc h wa s no t th e cas e whe n h e visite d th e Parlement in July 1527 to preside over the posthumous trial for treason of the duke of Bourbon, begun in 1524. The novel descriptions o f the sessions on 24, 26, and 27 July 1527 in the court's civil and criminal registers stress the solemnity of the occasion and state that the king was holding his lit de justice*. The two clerks, Séraphin du Tillet and Nicolas Malon, gave

1 Particularly valuable for relations between Louise of Savoy and the Parlement during the king's absence from France are Doucet, Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 2:passim; idem, Les institutions de la France, 187 ; Maugis , Histoire du Parlement de Paris, l:xxi-ii , 555-80 ; Stocker , "Politics o f th e Parlement of Paris in 1525," 191-212; Griffiths, "Louis e o f Savoy," 28-36, esp. 36. Also useful ar e the excerpts from the registers of the Parlement in Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, ed. Blondel, 1:292-416 . Maulde La Clavière provides information regarding Louise's background and aspirations, in Louise de Savoie.

2 Knecht, "Franci s I and Paris," 27-29. 3 Nicolas Malon's record of proceedings on 26 and 27 July refers to the lit de justice as follows: "Le Roy

estant en son sieg e et trosne Royal tenan t so n lic t de Iustice pour monter auque l y auoit sept degrez couuers dun tapiz de veloux bleu seme de fleurs de liz dor en façon de broderie et au dessus vng ciel de mesme" (26 July) (BN, fr. 5109, fol. 470v); "Le Roy estoit en son siege et trosne Roial tenant son lict de Iustice tout aussi comme hier matin"; "Ce Iour toutes les chambres de la court assemblées suffisammen t garnye de pers le Roy president en Icelle et tenant son lict de Iustice" (27 July) (ibid., fols. 473r , 475r). The account published by the Godefroys and attributed to Malon (Le Ceremonial François, 2:474-78) is a condensed conflation of material from both the civil and the criminal register; they omit the first tw o passages cited above but the third is quoted in ibid., 477. Cf. Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 51 n. 5 (Fr. ed. 334 n. 5) (Malon "di d no t entitl e th e sessio n a Lit de Justice'7), 56 (Fr. ed . 55) (Malon "treate d [th e session o f 26 July] a s a Royal Séance"), 96-97 (Fr. ed . 93) ("with nar y a mention o f a Lit de Justice assembly"; "sans écrire une seule fois 'li t de justice'"). Malon's record is preserved in a copy (BN, fr . 5109) that he prepared in 1527 for the chancellor, Antoine du Prat, whose arms appear at the bottom of

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an unprecedentedl y elaborat e descriptio n o f th e monarc h "i n hi s sea t an d roya l throne on the parquet of the Parlement, holding his lit de justice* to mount to which [auquel] there were seve n step s covere d wit h a blue velve t clot h embroidere d wit h golden fleurs de lis, and a canopy of the same cloth above, and around and behind the king and beneath his feet were four large square cushions o f the same."4 The phrase monter auquel could conceivably b e linked either with the king's "sea t and throne" or with th e lit de justice, bu t the use of tenir with lit de justice indicate s tha t monter auquel refers to the throne and that the phrase lit de justice here had the institutional connotations i t had long possessed 5.

In 1524 Malon's sobe r accoun t ha d mirrore d Séraphin d u Tillet's restraine d terminology, an d it seems likely tha t in 1527 he followed Du Tillet's lead , althoug h Malon's relation of proceedings on 27 July adds details lacking in Du Tillet's6. It was, however, Du Tillet who wrote the description of the king with which his account of the session of 24 July commences; for tha t day Malon simply recounte d the court' s decision tha t h e an d Du Tillet shoul d bot h b e presen t t o recor d proceedings 7.

fol. lr. Th e manuscrip t commences , "Registru m processu s Criminali s a c aliaru m expeditionu m I n suprema parlament i curi a agitataru m Contr a et aduersus Carolu m de borbonio factu m fuit per m e Nicolaum Malo n notariu m et secretarium Regi s Necno n su e dict i parlament i curi e graphariu m Criminalem Locoru m et dominiorum dothi s et de bercy dominum su b illustrissimo et excellentissimo principe francisco francorum Reg e anno dominj millesim o quingentesimo vigesim o septimo. " Malon's signature appears a t the en d o f th e table (fol. 484r). A miniatur e a t the beginning (fol. Av) show s th e king, enthroned , wit h th e chancello r an d th e peer s o f th e realm : Couderc , Bibliothèque nationale. Album, 63, no. CXLI . Anothe r a t the end (fol. 477r) depicts th e king an d si x peers . See als o BN, fr . 5107, 5108 .

4 "L e Roy estoi t e n son siege et trosne Royal ou parquet de parlement tenant son Lic t de Iustice Pou r monter auquel y auoit sept degrez couuers dun tapis de velours bleu seme de fleurs d e liz dor en façon de broderie Et a u dessus vng cie l de mesmes E t a lentour derrièr e ledict seigneur e t soubz se s piedz y auoit quatre grans carreaulx de mesme": AN, X !A 1530 , fols. 349r, 359r, 361r; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 463 , 474, 478; Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 52 n. 7 (Fr. ed. 51 ) (some o f whos e reading s differ from ours). Malon's similar accounts for 26 and 27 July are quoted in n. 3 above. See also Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 45 n. 77 (Fr. ed. 372 n. 77) (five carreaux de veloux cramoisy adorned with the devices of Loui s XII); France d'Hézecques, Souvenirs, 207 (later practice). Blondel presents useful documenta -tion for th e three sessions , in Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, 1:445-58 .

5 Cf. , for the assemblies of July 1527, Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 59 (Fr. ed. 57) ("For the first time, then, the tide Lit de Justice signified a special assembly dissociated from the drapery apparatus that the name lit de justice ha d signaled two centuries earlier").

6 In describing the session of 27 July Malon noted that the three presidents of the Parlement in attendance (Charles Guillart , Antoine l e Viste, and Denys Poillot ) wore re d robes an d furred hoods , and he also stated, "Aux autre s sieges dudict parquet dun coste et dautre estoient les conseillers greffier s e t autres officiers d e la court vestuz d e Robes Rouge s e t chapperons fourrez" : BN , fr . 5109 , fol . 474v-75r; the first passage is included but the second omitted from the condensed version o f Malon' s description o f the setting (ibid. , fols. 473r-75r) in Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:476.

7 "Su r ce que maistr e séraphin d u tillet greffier ciuil de la court de céans a Requis qu e lu y fu t permi s assister au lugement des deffaulx donnez contre feu messire charles de bourbon actendu que les pers de france deglis e e t autre s conseiller s clerc s d e ladict e cour t assisteron t oppineron t e t Iugeron t lesdict z deffaulx veu que ledict de bourbon est trespasse et quil ne aura aucune execucion de sang. Et que maistre nicole malo n greffie r crimine l de ladict e court a dit que l e procès a este Intent e criminellement e t es t question de crime de Leze maieste La Court a ordonne et ordonne que par prouision et Iusques a ce que par elle autrement en soit ordonne ledict malon assistera audict lugement prandra les oppinions desdictz defaulx E t larres t qu i sen ensuyuera ser a enregistr e a u Greff e criminel" : BN , fr . 5109 , fol . 470r-v . Noting tha t the parties were to produce their arguments in three days, Malon then passed immediatel y to th e proceedings o f 26 July.

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Séraphin du Tillet thu s seem s primaril y responsible , certainl y fo r recording , an d perhaps for creating, the elaborate and detailed language describing the extraordinary pomp and circumstance that accompanied the sessions of July 1527. The phraseology may hav e been inspire d b y description s o f th e trappings employed fo r th e posthu-mous tria l o f Kin g Charle s o f Navarr e i n 1387, whose strikin g parallel s t o th e situation in 1527 may have led to research into the circumstances o f the earlier event. The title lit de justice wa s in current use at the royal court. Figuring Francis I, Saint Louis was shown o n a throne labeled lectulus noster justicie in a tableau at the entry of Queen Claud e to Paris on 12 May 1517, and Etienne le Blanc, secretary of Louis e of Savoy, employed the term to describe the occasion on which he presumed Louis X had declared wa r against the Flemings o n 14 July 1315 8.

As ha s bee n seen , th e languag e tha t Séraphin d u Tillet use d t o describ e th e attendance at the royal session s of th e Parlement since he became civi l clerk in 1519 had grown steadily more detailed. In 1527 this modest elaboration was dramatically magnified. Du Tillet's relatio n bring s th e scen e t o life . Th e king' s thron e an d it s trappings are carefully depicted, and the identities and titles of the many people who accompanied th e monarc h ar e expansivel y enumerated . O n 15 February 1522 the count of Saint-Po l was simply (and misleadingly) terme d "le sieur de sainct pol"; in 1527 he was accurately designated a s count an d said to be Chevalier de l'Ordre and lieutenant genera l an d governo r o f Dauphiné. Similarly, th e duk e o f Vendôme, identified jus t a s peer o f Franc e in 1524, was i n 1527 also sai d to b e Chevalier de l'Ordre and lieutenant general of Picardy; "le sire de montmorency" of 1524 became Messire Anne de Montmorency, Cheualier de l'Ordre, lord of Montmorency, grand

8 See 27 above. The condemnation o f Bourbon and his confederates did not put an end to such research. A lette r tha t Guillaume Poyet (signin g himsel f "Vostr e treshumbl e & tresobeissant seruiteur" ) addressed "A Monseigneu r L e Légat " (Antoin e d u Prat, chancello r fro m 1515 to 1535 and cardina l legate fro m 4 June 1530), dated simpl y "9 January," reveal s tha t Du Prat ha d ordere d Poye t (roya l advocate i n th e Parlement from 1530, named presiden t o n 31 December 1534) to compil e materia l relating to criminal proceedings in 1482 against René, duke of Alençon and son of Jean II, who had been condemned a t Vendôme in 1458: AN, J 949, no. 9. Du Prat seems to have been interested primarily in material relating to the confiscation of the Alençon lands and their incorporation into the royal domain, and Poyet believed that the most useful evidence was found in the judgment against Jean; "Laccusacion et condempnacion de lehan sur crime de Lèse maieste" had been found "aux Registres," and he had also located th e "contrelectr e portant confiscacion de corps et d e bien s dont n e s e trouu e depui s aucun e Restitucion." Copie s of man y documents were sen t t o Du Prat, bu t th e earlies t ac t preserve d wit h Poyet's papers i s dated 4 August 1460: ibid., nos. 1-2 . The criminal clerk, Nicolas Malon, took part in Poyet's investigations , copyin g extract s fro m register s o f 1474 and a decree o f 1482 relating to roya l actions agains t René (ibid., nos. 4 , 5 , 7). What "Registres" regarding th e condemnatio n o f 1458 were consulted i s unclear ; a t the en d of 1548 (see 79-80 below) Jean d u Tillet unsuccessfull y sough t fro m Malon th e official accoun t of Jean's tria l and judgment . Anselme discusses the careers of Du Prat and Poyet, i n Histoire généalogique, 6:452-53 , 46 9 (see n . 19 below); ibid. , 1:273-74 (Alençon) . On Claude's entry , se e Lecoq, François Ier imaginaire, 388-90 . For Le Blanc, BN, fr . 3912, fols. Ar, 3r-7r ("Lict de Iustice tenu par le Roy loy s huti n contre l e conte d e flandres"); not e also (ibid. , fol. Av ) a contemporary addition to th e table of contents applying th e phrase lit de justice to th e assembl y a t which Charle s VI issue d hi s ordonnance on the majorit y i n 1407. Le Blanc prepared th e collection o f documents fo r Chancello r Du Prat, dedicating i t to hi m a s archbishop of Sen s but not as cardinal (an honor he receive d o n 3 May 1527), and praising him for hi s part in arranging the king's release fro m captivity: ibid. , fol. Dr ; on the work, Mirot , "Note s sur Etienne Le Blanc," 38 n.2.

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maître and marshal of France, and governor of Languedoc9. Like details are given for the other lay magnates in attendance. The three ecclesiastical peers who were present were designated by their ducal and comital titles, and the archbishop of Bourges was said to b e primate o f Aquitaine and to clai m the title o f primat e o f th e Gauls . The nine masters of requests were divided into two groups, with those recently instituted differentiated fro m th e others . Mor e tha n this , Du Tillet transforme d wha t ha d before bee n a simpl e lis t o f attendanc e int o a vivi d recreatio n o f th e assembly , specifying wher e each person sat in the court's chambers. Thus, at the king's feet he said were seated, first the great chamberlain, the young duke of Longueville , neares t to the king on his right, on the highest step; then, to the left o n the third step fro m the top, the first chamberlain, Louis of Brézé; and finally Jean de la Barre, prévôt of Paris, o n th e lowes t step 10. Malon als o note d tha t al l th e court' s officer s wor e re d robes an d fur hoods a t the final session 11.

What account s fo r th e fullnes s wit h whic h th e physica l characteristic s o f th e sessions of July 1527 were described? The circumstances i n which the sessions were held offe r som e clues . Franci s I clearl y wishe d t o impres s th e member s o f th e Parlement; the Parlement was equall y inten t o n impressin g th e king . Franci s I believed the court had challenged his authority during his absence, and the Parlement had long-standing grievances of its own to express and wished to assert its venerable claims as the realm's sovereign court . The struggl e between kin g an d court initiall y eclipsed th e chie f purpos e fo r whic h th e sessio n ha d bee n convoked . Presiden t Charles Guillart had a long speech prepared; it was he, rather than the first president, Jean de Selve, absen t from th e three sessions , who spok e a t the firs t meeting 12.

9 Le Ceremonial Francois, ed . Godefroy, 2:463 (2 4 July 1527); cf. AN, X 1A 1524 , fol. 95r (15 February 1523); and X1A 1526 , fols. 130r-31v (8-9 March 1524).

10 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:463-64; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:218 , 8:454 (Louis II of Orléans, duke of Longueville , born in 1510); 8:272, 714 (Brézé); Barre's distinguished career can be followed throug h th e roya l letters analyze d i n Catalogue des actes de Francois Ier (se e index) ; o n Longueville, see also Van Kerrebrouck, Les Valois, 448-49. At the third session the prévôt was seated at th e entranc e t o th e parquet, bu t th e chamberlain s remaine d a t th e king' s feet : Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:476-77. Next to this description of the prévôt*$ position in the presentation copy of the Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands (BN , fr . 5784, fol. 132v) , Du Tillet wrote "Cest le Vray siege du preuost de paris ou lict de Iustice du Roy." For the last two sessions the lists published in Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 424-27 , must b e used , sinc e th e Godefroy s published condense d version s i n Le Ceremonial François.

11 Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy , 2:476; n. 6 above. The accoun t o f th e thre e meeting s i n th e register of the Conseil gives no information about the attire of any of the Parlement's officers , bu t this does not mean that they did not wear red for the first two sessions as well as the third. See Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 63-64, 72, cf. 65, 73 n. 42, and also 123-24 (Fr. ed. 60, 61, 68,116-17,338 n. 42) (relying on the Godefroys' edition rather than the manuscript of Malon's account and commenting only on the red costumes worn by th e presidents a t the third session) .

12 Guillart's positio n ha s been obscured b y th e register' s referenc e t o hi m a s "Premier Presiden t e n la Cour" on 24 July, perhap s becaus e h e wa s th e rankin g presiden t i n attendance : Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy , 2:465, where hi s speech , take n from th e registe r of th e Conseil, is foun d o n 465-74. Jean de Selve had attended th e roya l session s o f 8 and 9 March 1524 and would b e there fo r those o f 17 and 18 December 1527: Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:455, 457, 457, 479 . Cf . Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 53, 68, 71 , and esp. 54 n. 10 (Fr. ed . 52, 63, 66, 334 n. 10); see also 76-84 (Fr. ed. 71-80) (Selve's speec h in December 1527). Our interpretatio n o f Guillart' s addres s differs i n many respect s fro m tha t give n i n Hanley , ibid. , 53-55, 65-7 1 (Fr. ed . 52-54, 61-66) . Although sh e mentions (ibid., 55,69 [Fr. ed. 54, 64]) some of the specific complaints that were raised, she focuses o n

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Guillart began and ende d b y stressin g th e divine majesty o f th e king s o f Franc e and their paternal authorit y ove r their subjects; to support his arguments, here and elsewhere, he cited a multitude o f classical and biblical texts. At the commencemen t he stressed subjects ' duty t o rever e kings as the elec t of God , and in conclusion h e termed th e French "quasi-idolatrou s o f thei r kings" and compared th e Parlement' s reaction to the king's appearance in the tribunal to that of th e Apostles seeing Jesus Christ afte r hi s resurrection . Thi s head y flattery surrounde d grav e criticism s o f specific aspect s o f Francis ' rule . The Parlement had calle d o n Louis e o f Savo y t o reform some of these abuses in 1525; over some the court had struggled bitterly with her and with th e king sinc e hi s return 13.

Guillart groupe d hi s criticism s aroun d thre e chie f themes : religion , justice , an d force, o n which , h e said , al l kingdoms , empires , an d monarchie s depend . Hi s treatment of the first topic , religion, was the most cursory, but he reminded the king of hi s dut y t o expe l fro m th e real m "th e monstrous contagion " of wha t h e calle d "evil and pernicious doctrines, " a clear reference t o the teachings of Luthe r and his followers14.

Turning t o justice , Guillar t terme d th e kin g "th e livin g an d animat e law. " This designation coul d hardl y hav e displeased Franci s I , but it led Guillart inexorably t o his proclamation that justice and the officers who dispensed it should never be sold, a sore subject , whic h ha d bee n debate d i n th e stormy roya l session s o f 15 February 1522 and 9 March 152415. The second grievance that Guillart raised was the removal of case s from th e Parlement to the Grand Conseil*, a complaint voice d in the roya l session of 5 February 1517 and a source of parlementary discontent since Francis P s accession16. Guillar t approache d thi s subjec t b y insistin g tha t justic e mus t b e regularly dispensed from fixed sites17. Such, he said, had been the case in France from

Guillart's metaphor s an d theoretica l statment s an d believe s tha t h e wa s "implicid y indict[ing ] th e king's convocatio n o f th e Lit de Justice i n plac e o f a Roya l Séance as roya l interferenc e wit h institutionalized parlementar y procedure. " See also n.52 below .

13 Doucet discusses the proposals for reform that the Parlement presented to the regent in April 1525, in Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 2:102-8; particularly strikin g fro m th e perspectiv e o f Guillart's speech in 1527 were the court's attack on the removal of cases to the Grand Conseil, the sale of offices , an d th e reorganizatio n o f th e army ; it s deman d fo r th e libert y o f th e churc h an d th e repression of heresy ; and it s opposition t o the Concordat of Bologna . Knech t deftly summarize s th e Parlement's struggl e wit h Louis e o f Savo y an d Franci s ove r Chancello r Du Prat's appointmen t a s archbishop o f Sen s an d abbo t o f Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire, in Francis I, 182-83, 199 ; he discusses th e conflict between the Parlement and the Grand Conseil that led to the king's banning four officials fro m the Parlement in 1526, ibid., 199. See also Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform, 258.

14 Doucet give s background , i n Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:319-47; see als o Knecht, Francis I, 139-45, 202-5; and Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform, 257-63.

15 See 57-58, 59-6 0 above. 16 See 56 above; for background, Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:130-33; Doucet, Etude sur le

gouvernement de François Ier, 1:56, 59 , 61. 17 The same point was mad e on 23 January 1522 when two royal masters of requests , Adam Fumee and

Pierre de la Vernade, appeared in the Parlement in connection with the king's proposed expansio n o f the court, to argue that the masters of request s formed a n integral part of the tribunal: AN, X 1A 1524 , fol. 63 r-v. They maintained that "auparauant la creation et stabilité de ladicte court" the eight masters of requests judged all cases referred to the king by appeal or supplication. Then the kingdom grew, and to avoid the hardships endured by subjects forced to "suyure et courir après la court laquelle estoit lors ambulatoire," the Parlement was established and constituted of twelve peers, eight masters of requests, and eighty presidents and councilors. Guillart held (Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:469) that

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the tim e tha t Phili p th e Fai r decree d ("b y deliberatio n o f th e Estates" ) tha t th e Parlement should resid e i n Paris ; thi s ha d continue d unti l Loui s X I bega n th e evi l practice o f removin g case s t o th e ambulator y Grand Conseil^ which Charle s VII I forbade an d Franci s himsel f ha d revived . I n s o doing, Guillar t declared , rathe r tha n improving the laws the king annihilated them , since when he removed case s from th e Parlement he explicitl y se t asid e al l contrar y ordonnances18. The practic e seeme d a new inventio n t o rende r injustic e unde r th e colo r o f justice ; i t wa s the recours e o f those who wishe d t o flee justice and gai n specia l treatment . Thus , he concluded , t o provide fo r "th e repose" o f th e king' s subjects , the usage must cease . He note d tha t when th e chancellor , Antoine du Prat, had bee n first presiden t o f the Parlement and had presente d th e court' s complaint s o n th e issu e t o Loui s XII , th e king' s excuse s were tantamoun t t o a confession tha t suc h action s shoul d end 19. The Parlement of Paris wa s "th e sit e an d tru e sea t o f th e king' s thron e whe n h e wa s present" 20; th e Parlement had always been "the honor and the sovereign court of France," and whe n the kin g contravene d it s decree s h e wa s opposin g th e very principle s fo r whic h h e stood. As there was one sun in the universe and one king in France so there should be a single sovereign justice, which should either be centered, as had once been the case, in the Grand Conseil^ or b e permitted t o remain a s it was, in the Parlement of Paris .

Guillart wa s treadin g o n dangerou s ground , bu t h e did no t desist . Sayin g tha t i t would b e a sort of sacrileg e to question the king' s power, h e acknowledged tha t th e king was above the law s and could no t b e constrained b y them . However , th e kin g should onl y desir e justice an d should , lik e Jesus Christ , follo w th e laws . To ordai n by absolut e rather tha n positive power , Guillar t declared , was tantamount t o actin g wilfully an d brutishly, without reason21. Deviating momentarily from hi s theme (and doubdess recallin g to hi s audienc e th e struggl e ove r th e Concorda t o f Bologna) , h e cautioned tha t no ordonnances regarding the clerg y an d th e Gallican church shoul d be made without their consent. Alluding to the controversy provoked by the regent's appointment o f Chancello r Du Prat t o th e archbishopri c o f Sen s an d th e abbac y o f Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire, he maintaine d tha t resultin g complaint s lodge d wit h th e Parlement while th e kin g wa s awa y wer e directe d onl y a t preservin g "th e peace ,

the Parlement had begun as a public assembly, "comme conuention d'Estats, " held irregularly an d in different towns . H e believe d tha t i t wa s settle d i n Pari s "pa r deliberatio n des Estats statué par Pragmatique Sanction," although he did not cite any specific source. His emphasis on the Estates of the realm show s tha t h e wa s les s tha n anxiou s t o acknowledg e th e court' s dependenc e o n th e king' s absolute authority , but , pace Knech t (Francis I, 200), he di d no t clai m tha t th e cour t derive d it s standing from th e people rather than the king .

18 Cf . the terms of a royal edict of 12 August 1527, in Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de François Ier, 5:83-86, no . 464, esp. 84-85 .

19 Doucet , Etude sur le gouvernement de François Ier, 1:47 n. 1 (Du Prat's service as first president from 1507 until he became chancellor on 2 January 1515). Anselme stresses the integrity with which Du Prat exercised the office o f firs t president , i n Histoire généalogique, 6:452 .

20 "C'es t icy le lieu & vray siege de vostre Thrône, quand vous y este s séant": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:472. Hanley translates the phrase as, "The true seat of your throne is this place": The Lit de Justice, 54; the Fr. ed. (52) quotes th e text from Godefroy' s ed . (cf. ibid., 334 n. 10).

21 "Ordonne r le s chose s d e puissanc e absolue , & no n positiue , es t comm e le s fair e san s raiso n & à volonté, qui tient plus de la nature brute que raisonnable: Nous ne voulons pas pourtant dire, que en aucun cas particulier & singulier vous n'en puissiez vser, mais le moins, ou non en vser est le mieux": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:472 .

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repose, and tranquility " o f th e king' s subjects ; h e chastise d th e Grand Conseil's disobedience to the regent's ordonnances, and stressed the Parlement's reverence for her. This serve d a s th e occasio n fo r humbl y requestin g th e kin g t o restor e t o th e court four member s who (i n 1526) had been banished from it s premises22.

Returning to the subject of the people's "repose," Guillart declared that this could not be ensured without a n army, which must be supported by taxes, termed "public and sacred money." Since the people paid this money t o be protected, the king was bound t o restor e militar y disciplin e to th e standards once enforced .

Having treated hi s thre e themes o f religion , justice , an d force, Guillar t drew his speech to an end. By maintaining the Uberty of the church, observing the integrity of justice, and preserving military discipline , he declared, the king would be one of the most glorious , triumphant , an d renowned monarch s wh o ha d ever ruled. Likenin g Francis' retur n t o Franc e t o th e recal l o f Furiu s Camillu s fro m exile , h e tacitl y recalled th e pligh t o f th e officer s o f justic e wh o languishe d outsid e th e court' s precincts.

In thi s oratio n Guillar t touche d o n mos t o f th e controversia l issue s tha t ha d strained relations between the king and the Parlement in the past: his policy towards heresy, hi s sal e o f judicia l offices , hi s remova l o f case s t o th e Grand Conseil, the forced acceptance of the Concordat of Bologna, the failure to enforce military order, the exclusio n o f member s o f th e Parlement from th e court . Guillar t evidend y believed the grand ceremonial session of 24 July an appropriate forum for airing the Parlement's grievances. His reference to the Parlement as "the site [lieu] and true seat of you r throne " i s reminiscen t o f th e terminolog y tha t Séraphin d u Tillet use d t o commence hi s accoun t o f proceedings , describin g "th e kin g i n hi s sea t an d roya l throne."23 Guillart , t o b e sure , di d no t mentio n th e lit de justice: lieu i s no t lit. Nonetheless, hi s frequen t allusion s t o th e "repose " (repos) of th e king' s subject s recalled th e function o f th e lit, an d at Henry II' s post-entry sessio n o n 2 July 1549 First President Pierre Lizet would explicitly an d dramatically connect the repose of both sovereig n an d subject s wit h th e lit de justice24. Jus t a s i n 1413 subjects o f Charles VI sought registration of their ordonnance of reform in a lit de justice, so in 1527 the president of th e Parlement deemed the royal session in which the king held his lit de justice a n apt occasio n t o la y befor e th e king the court' s reaction s t o hi s policies an d it s exhortations fo r amendment .

Francis I had reason to be stung by these rebukes, and perhaps a bit chastened. His first reactio n wa s t o deman d registratio n o f a n edic t outlawin g th e Parlement' s interference i n any affair o f state and in any matter save justice, strictly limiting the range o f it s powers , an d revokin g al l parlementar y act s tha t contravene d th e authority of his mother as regent or his own. The decree was read to members of the court, specially summoned late in the afternoon o f 24 July, as the king presided over his Conseil étroit in th e Sall e verte; it wa s registere d th e sam e da y i n th e Grand

22 Cf . Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform, 262 n. 228 ("the premier président, Charles Guillard, was forced to plead ignorance and indiscretion in order to obtain release of imprisoned members of the Parlement").

23 See 62 esp. n. 4, and n. 20 above. 24 See 83 below. The themes of justice and the French people's repos were featured at the entry of Queen

Claude to Paris in 1517: Baskervill, ed. , Pierre Gringoire's Pageants, xvii-viii, xxix-xxx .

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Conseil and at the last of the three royal sessions of the Parlement25. Francis I was not prepared t o tolerat e parlementar y independenc e an d initiativ e excep t withi n th e limits that he set. On the other hand, he was enough affected by Guillart's oration to summon th e fou r exclude d judicia l officer s t o hi s wardrob e an d permi t the m t o return to th e cour t o n 26 July26. O n tha t day an d the nex t proceedings agains t th e duke o f Bourbon , th e prope r busines s o f th e meetings , wer e conducted , an d the y culminated i n a decree agains t th e duke , pronounce d b y th e chancello r withi n th e parquet an d then by Nicolas Malo n at its entry 27.

To what extent were the royal sessions of July 1527 novel? Not, i n all likelihood, as regard s thei r decor , fo r ther e seem s n o reaso n t o thin k tha t th e impressiv e apparatus bestowe d o n th e cour t b y Loui s XI I wa s no t employe d a s i t ha d bee n before28. Nor as regards the substance of the final two sessions, which resembled the business o f roya l parlementar y meeting s convene d fo r th e tria l o f peer s i n 1378 (Brittany), 1387 (Navarre), 1458 (Alençon) , and 1488 (Orléan s and Brittany) . Majesty had been the hallmark of all these earlier sessions, and with the last three the lit de justice ha d bee n explicitl y an d prominentl y associated . Ther e wer e als o precedents in plenty for the criticism of the king and his policies a t solemn session s attended b y th e ruler .

What di d distinguis h th e session s o f Jul y 1527 from recen t occasion s wa s th e extraordinarily larg e an d distinguishe d attendanc e and , eve n more , th e manne r i n which th e meeting s wer e describe d i n th e civi l an d crimina l register s o f th e

25 The text of the edict is published in Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de François Ier, 5:81-83, no. 463, esp . 81 n. 1 , 83 n. 7 (details regarding registration an d information abou t subsequent remova l o f cases to the Grand Conseil); cf . ibid., 2:222-24, no. 154, at 224, for the Parlement' s acknowledgmen t that the University of Paris had no right to meddle in "choses concernant l'Estat du Roy, de la police et chose publicqu e de son royaume" [2 5 April 1518]; see als o AN , X 1A 1530 , fols . 358v-59r; Recueil général des anciennes lois françaises, 12:275-80 , no . 145 ; an d 280-82 , no . 14 6 (the decre e agains t Bourbon pronounced on 27 July). Hanley acknowledges the edict's importance but dissociates it from the lit de justice, stressing that it was enacted by the king in his Conseil and registered by the Parlement after the king's departure; she depicts the king as acting consciously "to protect the constitutional aura of th e Lit de Justice assembl y tha t da y b y registerin g th e edic t regulatin g Parlement' s behavio r elsewhere": The Li t de Justice, 51-72, esp. 55-56, 7 0 (Fr. ed . 50-67, esp. 54, 65). We believe i t mor e likely tha t th e kin g acte d a s he di d t o mak e clear th e exten t o f hi s contro l ove r th e Parlement: the sequence of events demonstrated that even in his absence the court had to bow to his will. Cf. Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:580-84; Knecht , Francis I, 200-202, and for background, 174-99.

26 AN , X IA 1530 , fols . 360v-61r ; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:475 . The registe r o f th e Parlement's Conseil for 26 July states that the king had excluded the four men "Iusques a ce quil eus t este en Icelle [court] et quelle eust aduoue ce quilz auoient fait par ordonnance de ladicte court contre les lugemens et ordonnance d u grant conseil e n Ian mil v c.xxv." The me n were welcomed bac k an d informed "qu e la court auoit este tresdeplaisante de leur ennuy quil z auoien t pour faire leur deuoir si longuement porte et auoit ladicte court fait pour les faire Reuenir ce qui auoit este possible." Hanley (The Li t de Justice, 54 [Fr. ed. 56]) notes their return on 26 July but does not mention Guillart' s plea on their behalf tw o days earlier.

27 BN, fr . 5109, fols . 475r-76v; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:477-78 (with som e variant s from th e text in the register of th e Conseil).

28 Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 64 (Fr. ed. 60) (the members of th e Parlement "faced an inordinately high throne in thi s ceremonial milieu" ; "et cela face à un trône d'une hauteu r inaccoutumée dan s ce type de cérémonie").

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Parlement29. The size of the assembly can be explained by the king's desire to display his majesty on his first visit to the Parlement since his return from captivity. Like the attendance, th e fine trapping s were appropriate for the trial of a peer, but probably more importan t t o th e kin g was th e visual evidenc e the y offere d o f th e contro l h e exercised. The detailed description in the court's registers provided additiona l - and enduring - testimony o f hi s ceremonia l triumph . Whateve r th e dispositio n o f th e king's throne in the past, the registers' explicit designation of the seven steps leading up to it would hav e inevitably recalle d to the biblically knowledgeable th e six steps beneath Solomon' s throne , whos e lik e wa s no t foun d i n an y kingdom 30. Someon e may hav e suggeste d t o Séraphin d u Tillet tha t a glorified descriptio n o f th e settin g would b e appropriate , bu t h e seem s unhkel y t o hav e bee n coerce d int o recordin g what h e did . Hi s description , lik e Guillart' s oration , emphasize d th e privilege d position of the king's sovereign court, "the site and true seat of his royal throne when he wa s presen t i n it. " Th e phrase s o f th e parlementar y clerk s an d th e presiden t recalled thos e o f Charle s VIII's edic t o f 1485, which extolle d th e Parlement' s sovereign jurisdiction and declared that there alone should be held the lit de justice*1. The solem n session s o f July 1527 fully an d explicitl y realize d Charles ' encomium, even as they showed the power that Francis I exercised over his subjects and over his tribunal.

Ceremonial trapping s featurin g th e lit de justice wer e agai n employed , an d th e register o f th e Conseil again presente d th e kin g a s holding hi s lit de justice whe n Francis I sat in the Parlement on 16 and 20 December 1527. He appeared, surround-ed by peers and other dignitaries, to solicit counsel on the abrogation of the Treaty of Madrid, hi s ow n ransom , an d th e deliveranc e o f hi s sons 32. Extraordinarily , th e presidents and deputies of othe r Parlements of the kingdom, many ecclesiastics, and magistrates of Pari s attended the sessions. Nonetheless, the officers o f the Parlement were present and the meetings took place in the chambers of the Parlement of Paris, the prope r locatio n fo r th e kin g t o hol d hi s lit de justice. Th e proceeding s wer e entered into the register of the Parlement's Conseil, and to introduce the first session Séraphin du Tillet use d th e entire elaborat e formul a employe d fiv e month s earlier , which emphasized the majesty with which the king was holding his lit de justice; fo r the second meeting, he abbreviated it , declaring that the king "was in his royal seat on th e parque t o f th e Parlement, holding hi s lit de justice, whic h wa s a s o n las t Monday."33 As in July, the clerk noted that at both sessions the first chamberlain and

29 The reason s fo r th e chang e i n th e parlementar y formula s use d fo r roya l session s ar e evidend y impossible t o establis h wit h certitude . Th e differen t explanation s suggeste d b y Hanle y ar e no t completely consistent : The Li t de Justice, 59, 61, 63-64, 96-9 8 (Fr. ed. 57, 58-59, 60, 93-96) .

30 "Sex quoqu e gradus , quibu s ascendebatu r a d soliu m ...; no n fui t tale soliu m i n universi s regnis" : 2 Paralip. (Chron.) 9:18, 19 .

31 See 44 above. 32 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:478-501; DuTiilet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands,

428,430. The sessions in the Parlement were carefully coordinated with assemblies at the Hôtel de ville on 17 and 18 December: Knecht, "Francis I and Paris," 29-30; Registres des délibérations du Bureau de la ville de Paris, 2 (1527-1539, ed. Alexandre Tuetey):l-5.

33 ".. . en son siege Royal, ou parquet de parlement, tenant son lict de iustice, lequel estoit comme lundy dernier": Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:490 ; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 430 .

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the prévôt of Paris were at the king's feet; the young duke of Longueville , who held the offic e o f grea t chamberlain , wa s present , bu t ther e i s n o indicatio n tha t h e sa t nearest to the king's throne. On 16 December Chancellor Antoine du Prat announc-ed that the king himself wished to communicate with his subjects not in a meeting of the Estates but rather in an assembly "in this place, which is the lit de justice"™ This declaration on the king's behalf diplomaticall y acknowledge d th e Parlement's privi -leged status as site of th e lit de justice. Th e king's insistence that the sessions shoul d be attende d b y peopl e wh o wer e no t authorize d deputie s stifle d th e chancellor' s objections35. Thes e meeting s were , i n substance , fa r differen t fro m thos e o f Jul y 1527. They resemble d th e solem n session s tha t Charle s V ha d hel d i n 1369 to deliberate with his subjects concerning the threat posed by the English3*. No discor d marred them, and representatives of the church, the nobility, the Parlement, and the city of Pari s staunchly declare d thei r suppor t o f th e king.

The royal sessions of 1527 witnessed the inauguration of a new style of parlemen-tary narrative . Séraphin du Tillet's rhetorica l innovation s wer e to outlas t his tenur e of offic e a s civi l clerk , fo r hi s days i n th e clerkship were numbered. Instigate d an d abetted by their father Helie , Seraphin's brothe r Jean had been tryin g t o obtain th e office an d had been pressing Séraphin to resign since at least 152137. Understandably , Séraphin and his wife Marie (daughter of his predecessor Nicole Pichon ) used every tactic at their disposal to ensure his retention of the post, which he managed to keep for nine more years38. Their efforts proved vain, however, for Jean finally triumphe d and on 3 September 1530 was sworn in as civil clerk by President Charles Guillart39. The wid e rang e o f accusation s tha t Jea n an d hi s supporter s ha d mad e agains t

34 ".. . no n pas par forme d'Estats , ain s les a voulu assembler en ce lieu, qui es t le Lict de Iustice": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:481. Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 74 (*"he decided t o assemble the m no t i n th e for m o f Estate s bu t b y wa y o f thi s foru m whic h i s th e Lit de Justice [assembly]*") (Fr . ed. 68, quoting the passage from Le Ceremonial François; cf . 33 8 n . 45) .

35 Before the king arrived for the session of 27 July 1527 Gabriel de la Châtre, lord of Nançay and captain of the French guards, announced the king's wish that "princes, ambassadors, and other lords" should attend the session to hear the decree against Bourbon, "non obstant quilz ne feussent pers ne du corps de la court / mai s les dispensoit destre a cest acte et pour ceste foiz seullement /Et san s ce que cy après / o n l e peust tire r a consequence": AN, X tA 1530 , fol . 362v ; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:476. Since the king ordered this to be recorded "pour seruir en temps et lieu ce que de Raison," the court instructed the clerk to include it in his account. See 58 above (the king's similar intervention o n behalf o f th e duke of Alban y on 30 June 1523).

36 See 23 above. 37 AN, X 1A 1523 , fols. 232v-33r (th e receptio n b y th e Parlement' s Conseil on 15 June 1521 of a royal

letter ordering the Parlement to examine Jean du Tillet, in whose favor Séraphin du Tillet his brothe r ["son frere" ] had resigned hi s offic e o f civi l clerk , an d the court' s determinatio n tha t Jean was "bon personnaige bien scauant et d e bon esperit lequel est pour bie n exercer ledic t offic e d e greffier e n y faisant continuelle Residence et prenant peine dy entendre"); X1A 1524 , fol. 249v (the reception by the Parlement's Conseil on 30 May 1523 of a royal letter issued at Dijon on 6 June 1521 giving the office o f civil clerk to Jean du Tillet because of the resignation of his brother ["frere"] Séraphin); cf. Catalogue des actes de François Ier, 1:249-50, no . 136 3 (incorrectly designatin g Séraphin a s Jean's "père" (followed b y Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 106- 7 n. 1 8 [Fr. ed. 344 n . 18]) .

38 Brown discusse s th e lega l battle s betwee n Séraphin and Jean , i n Jean du Tillet and his Recueils. Seraphin's name appears as grapharius ciuilis (and in 1529 and 1530 as miles) at the beginning o f ever y register of the Conseil of the Parlement through the one commencing on 12 November 1530 (AN, X 1A

1533, fol. lr). Jean's name replaces Seraphin's for the first tim e in AN, X IA 1534 , fol. lv. 39 AN, X ,A 1533 , fol. 409r; Catalogue des actes de François I", 7:495, no. 16055.

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Séraphin goes far to explain the stern warnings that Guillart gave the new clerk, who was cautioned not to scorn those who had served his brother and introduce new and less knowledgeable an d experienced men. Nor, Guillar t said, was Jean "to make any innovations o r changes without notifyin g th e court."40

Du Tillet humbly acquiesced . As regards royal sessions in the Parlement of Paris, he kept the pledge he had made on 3 September 1530. When Francis I again visited the Parlement on 15 January 1537, Du Tillet used the same formula tha t his brother had employed i n 1527 to describe the solemn meeting41. The king came to the court with a splendid following that included James V, king of Scotland and his son-in-law of two weeks, the dauphin Henry, peers ecclesiastical and lay, many notables, and a few roya l ladies , including th e queen, Eleanor of Austria (elder sister of Charle s V), and th e king' s sister , Marguerit e o f Orléans, queen o f Navarre 42. Actin g a s grea t

40 ".. . par le president a este Remonstr e le s plainctes qu e Io n faisoi t des clerc s de s greffe s daucune s exactions faultes e t negligences et aussi du desordre ou la court estoit souuentesfoiz empesche e / qui l ait a y prendre garde et y auoir loeil autrement la court sen prendroit a luy de sorte quil le congnoistroit / Lu y a est e auss i di t qu e mutacion s e t changemen s d e clerc s n e s e doi t fair e san s caus e mai s doi t entretenir les congnuz sauan s et de experience qui ont bie n et longuement seruy la court / e t la chose publicque / Et ne prendre a Regrect ou desdaing ceulx qui ont este au seruice de maistre séraphin son frere / duran t l e temps qui l a este greffier / pou r y e n mectre de nouueaulx qui nauroient peult estre sauoir ne experience Et que audict greffe y en auoit de scauans honnestes qui longuement auoient seruy dont l a cour t auoi t bonn e congnoissanc e / mesme s d e lu n don t peul t estr e cen t an s a n y eu t plu s capable et desire en ladicte court / E t quil ne deuoit faire aucunes Innouacions ou mutacions Et ne les fist sans aduerti r l a cour t Su r lesquelle s Remonstrances ledict maistr e Ieha n dutille t ses t enclin e a Remercie treshumblemen t l a cour t d e lhonneu r quell e lu y faisoi t / a dit qui l y prendr a gard e e t se conduira au plaisir de die u e n manièr e que la court naur a cause destre malcontente e t n y fera chos e dont I I ne aduertisse l a court": AN, X ,A 1533 , fol. 409r .

41 D u Tillet , Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 434-3 5 ("L e Ro y estoi t e n son siege & throsne Royal, a u parque t d e so n parlement , tenan t so n lic t d e iustice , pour monte r ouque l .. .") . Surely because they could not locate the original register (which is now missing), the Godefroys publishe d a similar extract that they had found amon g the papers of Barnabe Brisson, in Le Ceremonial François, 2:501-3. Brisson (d. 1591) was named royal advocate early in 1575 and on 17 August 1580 a president of th e Parlement: Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:247 , 275 , 337 . Thus h e probabl y ha d access t o th e registe r afte r Du Tillet's deat h i n 1570; Hanley, however, suggest s tha t th e greffier "borrowed the register account and never returned it": The Lit de Justice, 87 n. 3 (Fr. ed. 340 n. 3). The Godefroys als o include d (Le Ceremonial François, 2:503-14) a relatio n o f th e sessio n b y Pierr e le Maistre (who m the y wrongl y identif y a s greffier of th e Parlement); they giv e a s thei r sourc e th e pleadings register of the Parlement for 13 November 1536-29 March 1537. Brisson's extract from th e register o f th e Conseil indicates that Cappel' s addres s was "contenu a u Registre du Plaidoyé," and a lengthy record of proceeding s doe s appea r i n th e registe r o f mornin g pleading s fo r 13 November 1536-30 March 1537; ibid., 503; AN, X 1A 4902 , fols. 285v-93v (referrin g to the kin g as "seant en sa court" and not mentioning th e lit de justice). This , however, i s not the one the Godefroy s used . The account in Le Ceremonial François was indeed written by Le Maistre, who was, however, greffier of the Chambre de s compte s of Paris , an d wh o evidend y attende d th e sessio n becaus e o f th e fiscal implications o f th e confiscation o f Charle s V's lands . Thus hi s narrativ e was recorded in a Mémorial (2 H ) of th e Chambre de s comptes . The Mémoriaux were destroye d b y fir e i n 1737, but tw o eighteenth-century copie s o f Le Maistre's accoun t ar e preserve d i n AN , P 2306, 353-82 , 383-413 . Hanley's accoun t i s complicate d b y he r convictio n (The Li t de Justice, 87-88 [Fr. ed . 84]) that Le Maistre wa s what sh e term s "th e clerk o f pleadings " or "the pleadings clerk " ("greffier de s Plaidoi -ries") of th e Parlement, an office unknow n t o us.

42 Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy , 2:502, 50 3 (presence fo r "ledit Plaidoyé , & prononciatio n d'Arrest" of the queen, the queen of Navarre, and "autres Princesses, & Dames" on a special platform "où les Reynes ont accoustumé se mettre ... qu i est à l'endroit de la porte pour aller au Greffe Ciuil");

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chamberlain, Claud e o f Lorraine , duk e o f Guise 43, sa t neares t t o th e kin g o n th e highest step leading to the royal platform; the first chamberlain was not in evidence, but th e prévôt of Pari s was o n th e lowest step , where h e had sa t at previous roya l sessions when the king held the lit de justice. The many dignitaries were assembled to hear Emperor Charles V as count o f Flanders an d Artois declared guilt y o f treaso n and his lands consequently forfeited t o the crown. For this session the king insisted that the officers of the Parlement wear red robes and fur hoods, despite the tribunal's protest tha t thi s wa s no t customar y "pour l'Act e qui s'offroit " - which seem s curious, since the members of the court had worn red when Bourbon was condemn-ed on 27 July 1527 44. Perhaps because of th e king's concer n wit h costume, Jean du Tillet presented far more details regarding the garb of thos e i n attendance than had his brother, thus following th e lead that Malon had given in 1527. The cardinal s o f Lorraine and Bourbon (archbisho p o f Reim s and bishop of Laon , bot h peers) were described as wearing their cardinal's robes , an d the bishop of Chalon s (also a peer) the robe of violet satin that signified hi s status; the chancellor, Anne du Bourg, was said t o b e cla d i n a robe o f crimso n red , th e fou r president s o f th e Parlement in scarlet, fur-trimmed robes, and mantles with velvet hoods, the first usher, Jacques de Mailly, in a scarlet robe with fur mortar-board45. Thus the picture of the session that emerges from Du Tillet's description i s even more vivid than those tha t his brothe r Séraphin had presented.

Speaking for the procurator general (Nicole Thibault), the royal advocate Jacques Cappel delivere d a long speec h indictin g Charle s V46. H e expatiate d o n th e king' s

cf. Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 94 n. 27 (Fr. ed. 341 n. 27) ("The quee n an d her entourage sa t in th e assembly only during the hearing and not for the verdict"; "La reine et sa suite ne furent présentes qu'à l'audience, et quittèrent la salle avant le verdict"). For the two queens, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:132, 211 ; see als o 152 (the marriage o f Madelein e o f Franc e o n 1 January 1537 at Notre-Dame to James V of Scodand, an d her death on 2 July following) .

43 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 3:478-80 , 485 ; 8:731 . Louis I I of Orléans, duke of Longueville , th e great chamberlain , wa s t o di e i n June 1537: ibid., 1:218, 8:454 . Longueville wa s succeede d a s grea t chamberlain by his son François, born in 1537, who held the office unti l his death in September 1551; it then passed to François of Lorraine , duke of Guis e an d Claude's son: ibid. , 8:455.

44 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:502 (taken from th e registe r o f th e Conseil, reporting th e communication of First President Pierre Lizet to the Parlement, the costumes worn by the members of the court, an d the greffîer's épitogé). Pace Hanley (The Li t de Justice, 87 [Fr. ed . 84]), Lizet simpl y relayed the orders issued by the king, "combien qu'on luy ait remonstré que l'on n'auoit accoustumé ce faire pour l'Acte qui s'offroit." For the gar b of the Parlement's officer s o n 27 July 1527, 64 above. De Thou record s tha t fo r th e importan t sessio n o f 18 July 1585 at whic h controversia l edict s o f pacification were revoked, Henry HI "patres in purpura, quo majorem actioni celebritatem conciliaret, sedere jussit": Historiarum ... Libri, 4:282; Histoire universelle, 9:329-30 .

45 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:501-2; details o f costum e ar e omitte d fro m th e lis t in Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 434-45 .

46 Maugis , Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:171-72, 32 8 (Thibault) , 33 3 (Cappel) . Auber t (Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:173-75 ) discusses th e functio n o f roya l advocate s a s spokesme n fo r th e procurator general . Se e 98 n. 6 below, fo r Charle s PAngelier' s unauthorized publicatio n o f Cappel' s discourse in 1567. On 23 March 1567 Du Tillet wrote Catherin e de Medicis tha t in 1537 Cappel had given him the text of hi s address after delivering i t and that he had used it to correct his own accoun t before having the speech copied into the register of the Parlement; then, he said, he had written on the register "qui l ne feust communiqu e ne double pris affin qu e cela publie nempeschast trefue n e pai x entre les deux princes qui souuen t sirriten t par les escripz. " Du Tillet suggested tha t the speech had been foun d amon g Cappel' s paper s an d give n t o L'Angelie r b y on e o f Cappel' s children , sinc e

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majesty and his duty as "husband and political spouse of the republic" to protect the domain that had been given to him at his consecration as dowry of the crown, which the kings solemnl y swor e a t thei r installatio n no t t o alienat e fo r an y reason 47. H e particularly stresse d th e nobilit y o f th e assemblage , whic h h e dared , h e said , "t o describe as a theatre and consistory suc h as all Europe could not more grandly deck with suc h affluence, celebrity , an d abundance o f your people in the first city of the world."48 Francis I he likened, paraphrasing Solomon, to "the king that sitteth in the judge's throne , scatterin g al l evi l wit h hi s countenance." 49

Francis I did not again sit in majesty in the Parlement of Paris , but the sessions of 1527 and 1537 solidified th e importance of the phrase lit de justice and the pomp that was the order of the day when the lit de justice was said to be held. There was some variation i n practice . A s ha s been seen , questions were raised in 1537 regarding the proper gar b o f member s o f th e Parlement; further, althoug h in July 1527 the great and th e firs t chamberlai n bot h sa t a t th e king' s fee t wit h th e prévôt of Paris , fiv e months later the first chamberlain and the prévôt were alone, whereas on 25 January 1537 only th e grea t chamberlai n an d th e prévôt sat o n th e step s belo w th e king' s throne. Nonetheless , rule s o f precedenc e an d protocol fo r suc h occasions wer e o r would soon be established. Whoever sat at the king's feet, for instance, only the great chamberlain or the person who replaced him sat on the top step; the prévôt of Paris was on the lowest, and the first chamberlain on the third from the top50. By 1541 the arrangement o f prince s o f th e bloo d an d peers o n suc h occasion s wa s believe d t o constitute "ancien t custom an d usage." This wa s made clear when on 17 June 1541 the Parlement determined a dispute between the houses of Montpensier and Nevers over th e precedenc e t o b e observe d a t th e presentatio n o f roses , a ceremon y traditionally held in May to honor the Parlement51. The Parlement decided in favor

"[a]ucuns . . . son t de la nouuelle opinion et lun est ministre." See BN, fr. 10466, fol. 8r, and also AN, XIA 4902 , fol . 285v, wher e Du Tillet wrot e a t th e to p lef t o f th e page , "Non Leuetur Ne e copia m sumatur."

47 "E t nest communicabl e a autre qu e au Roy qui es t mar y et espoulx politiqu e de la chose publique laquelle luy apporte a son sacre et couronnement ledict dommaine en dot de sa couronne / leque l dot les Roys a leur sacre e t couronnement luren t solennellemen t no n Iamai s aliéne r pour quelqu e caus e que c e soit" : AN , X ,A 4902 , fol . 289v ; cf . Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:512 ; Lettres et Mémoires d'Estât, ed . Ribier , 1:1-16 . Earlier Cappel referred t o th e "grande lumièr e d e vostr e prudence clémence et bonté procédant de vous (qui estes Icy comme le souleil entre les pianettes)" and later to the king's "sacrée personne": AN, X iA4902, fols. 285v, 291 r; cf. Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy, 2:506 , 514 . See Descimon, "Le s fonctions d e la métaphore du mariage politique."

48 ".. . e n cest e tresnobl e treslllustr e e t tressaige compaignie / d e Roys / prince s de vostre san g pers de france / presidens et conseillers de vostre souueraine court de parlement / grand nombre de prelatz que le os e dir e estr e theatre et consistoir e te l / qu e tout e Leurop e n e scauroi t plu s grandemen t pare r auecques tell e affluence célébrité e t frequence de vostre peuple en la premiere ville du monde": AN , X1A 4902 , fols . 285v-86r; cf . Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy, 2:506 .

49 ".. . e t qui veoyt so n Roy sedente m I n solio Iudici s dissipantem omne malum vultu suo (comme diet Salomon)": AN, X lA 4902 , fol . 285r ; cf . Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:50 6 ("voit" ; "Iudicii"); and Prov . 20.8 ("Rex qu i sedet in solio iudici i dissipât omne malum intuitu suo").

50 Although the position of the great chamberlain was ordinarily on the topmost step, at Henry II's post-entry visi t t o th e Parlement of Pari s on 2 July 1549 the duke o f Longuevill e wa s o n th e second ste p from th e top: Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:518; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 438-39 .

51 AN , X IA 4913 , fol . 270r . The decisio n i s publishe d in D u Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 436-47 . La Roche Flavin (Treze livres des Parlemens, 607-9, esp. 608) discusses the ceremony

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of th e duk e o f Montpensie r becaus e "i f toda y th e kin g sa t i n hi s lit de justice, accompanied b y hi s peers , Montpensier , bein g o f roya l blood , woul d si t abov e Nevers." The decision was based, the court announced , on the "quality of prince of the bloo d an d the qualit y o f th e peerage , an d on th e ancien t custo m an d usag e i n seating of princes of the blood and peers of France at the lit de justice, when the king sits i n hi s court." 52 Yet complete clarit y regardin g lits de justice di d no t exist , an d early i n 1542 the kin g sough t elucidatio n fro m th e cour t regardin g traditiona l practice.

in his tenth book, in a chapter entitled, "Des Roses, Bovqvets, et chapeavx de flevrs que Roys, Princes, Cardinaux, Ducs, Pairs de France, Archeuesques, & Euesques ont accoustumé donner aux Parlemens au mois de May." He declares (ibid., 609) that the gifts were made "pour honnorer le Roy, & son lict de Iustice." See also Du Chesne, Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys de France, 526, The comple x histor y o f th e peerag e o f Never s extend s bac k t o 1347, although i n th e sixteenth century the date of its erection was taken to be 1459, when Charles VII bestowed the honor on Charle s o f Burgundy ; favorin g hi s cousi n Loui s I I o f Bourbon , princ e o f L a Roche-sur-Yon , Francis I made Montpensier a peerage in 1539: Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:354-56 ; 3:193-94 , 516-20; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy, 1:29 5 (memorandum on peerages o f 6 July 1547).

52 ".. . si aulourdhuy le Roy seoit en son lict de Iustice accompaigne de ses pers ledict duc de montpensier comme estan t du san g Royal seoroi t a u dessus dudic t duc de neuers e t le precederoit e n session Et a este tousiours ains i garde[.] A ceste cause au bail des Roses deuoit preceder[.] Et sauroit voluntiers s i aulourdhuy vng prince du sang ores quil ne fust per de france vouloit bailler les Roses a la court II ne les bailleroit pa s premier que tous les pers non estan s du sang"; "... e n ayant Regard a la qualité de prince du san g Ioinct e aue c l a qualité d e perri e e t a lancienne coustum e & vsance e n l a sessio n de s princes du sang et des pers de france au lict de iustice quant le Roy siet en ladicte court elle a ordonne & ordonne que le duc de montpensier comme ayan t qualité de prince du sang Ioincte a la qualité de la perrie pourra le premier bailler les Roses": AN, X 1A 4913, fol. 270v; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 436-47 . Document s relating t o subsequen t disputes over precedenc e i n th e presentation o f roses , an d th e orde r i n whic h the y wer e offere d fro m 1553 to 1573, are foun d i n Anselme, Histoire genealogigue, 3:525-27.

After this book had gone to press, Robert Descimon kindly showed Elizabeth Brown a typescript of Robert Knecht' s article , "Franci s I and th e *Li t de Justice': A 'Legend ' Defended, " whic h usefull y supplements ou r discussio n o f Francis ' visit s t o th e Parlement in 1527. The article , subsequend y published in French History, 7 (1993), 53-83, contains an edition of Guillart's speech to the Parlement on 24 July 1527.

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VI. T H E LI T DE JUSTICE I N T H E O R Y A N D PRACTIC E D U R I N G TH E REIG N O F H E N R Y I I

On 25 February 1542 Francis I dispatched to the Parlement the captain of the royal guards, Joachim de l a Châtre , lord o f Nançay1. Because o f a n indisposition , th e captain reported, the king was canceling the visit which he had planned that day but would b e abl e t o com e th e nex t Monda y (althoug h i n fac t h e di d no t appea r o n 27 February). The captain had a second message. The king, he declared, had ordered him "to extract [retirer] from the registers in the clerk's office the form of seating of the king i n the cour t when i n the past he or his predecessors , king s o f France , had come ther e t o ador n hi s justice." 2 Fo r king s t o solici t suc h informatio n wa s no t extraordinary. O n 30 December 1497 Charles VII I ha d aske d th e Chambre de s comptes at Paris for immediate information regardin g "the form in which the kings our predecessor s hav e give n audience s t o poo r people , an d especiall y ho w Sain t Louis proceeded"3; soon after his accession Henry II would make similar requests of the Parlement. It is unlikely that the king's instructions were disregarded, or that the captain was expected (or would have been able) to execute the commission himself 4. The person mos t appropriat e fo r th e task was th e civi l clerk , Jean du Tillet, an d in response h e probably sen t documentation t o the king.

It seems possible that he also composed for Francis I on this occasion a version of an anonymous memorandu m preserved under the title "On the seating of the kings of Franc e i n th e cour t o f Parlement of Paris , eithe r whe n the y hol d thei r lits de

1 Acting in the same capacity, Joachim's father, Gabriel , attended the lits de justice of 24, 26, and 27 July 1527 and on 27 July announced to the court the king's wish that various lords who were neither peers nor members of the court be present to hear the decree against Bourbon: Le Ceremonial François, 2:465 (identified a s "Cheualier " an d a s "Preuos t de l'Ordr e d e France, & l'vn des Capitaine s de s Garde s Francoises du Corp s d u Roy") , 477 ; see 70 n . 3 5 above. On both Gabriel (who die d "fort âgé " on 9 March in 153 8 or 1539 ) and Joachim, see Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 7:367-38 .

2 "C e jour le sieur de Nancey cappitaine de la garde du Roy est venu en la court auec son espee comme y enuoye de la part dudict seigneur aduertir icelle court que au moyen de quelque indisposition ou ledict seigneur sestoit trouue II ne pourrait ce Iour venir en sadicte court ainsi quil auoit délibère Et a declare auoir charge dudict Seigneur de Retirer des Registres du greffe l a forme de la seance dudict Seigneur en icelle court quant par cy deuant luy o u ses prédécesseurs Roys de France y son t venuz pour décorer sa Iustice et que icelluy Seigneur y pourra venir lundj prochain": AN, X 1A 1548 , fol. 271v. We are grateful to Alfred Soman for transcribing thi s passage for us.

3 ".. . la form e qu e ont ten u no s prédécesseur s Roys à donner Audianc e a u pauur e peuple , & mesm e comme Monsieu r Saint Loys y procedoit" : Histoire de Charles VIIL, ed . Godefroy , 745 .

4 Cf . Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 100-10 1 (Fr . ed . 98); she indicates tha t the king had firmly i n mind a distinction betwee n roya l séance and lit de justice, which seems unlikely; Francis I is said to have been interested in the "typefs] of meeting" held in the past, although the word that appears in the register is "forme," implying t i e procedure s an d practices that had been observed.

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justice, or when there is a day of council , o r when they attend pleadings " - the sam e tripartite distinctio n observe d in practice in the past5. This title , with it s reference t o the seatin g o f th e king s i n th e Parlement, reflects th e terminolog y o f th e roya l command o f 1542; so too d o the memorandum' s allusio n t o roya l visit s "t o hono r and recommen d thei r justice " an d it s ending , wher e th e autho r say s tha t h e ha s related wha t ca n b e extracte d ("ce que l'on a peu tirer" ) from th e court' s registers . The content s woul d hav e provided th e information tha t Franci s I wa s seeking . Bu t the memorandum' s referenc e t o "th e lat e kin g Francis " show s tha t Franci s I neve r saw i t i n th e for m i n whic h i t ha s bee n preserved . I f Franci s receive d a simila r communication, his failure to return to the Parlement of Paris before his death means that h e neve r ha d a n opportunit y t o pu t i t t o use . I n th e seventeent h centur y th e Godefroys, wh o wer e intimatel y familia r wit h Du Tillet's works , believe d tha t th e clerk had written the memorandum tha t survives , and that i t was composed betwee n 1550 and 1563, a terminus ante quern based on the lits de justice convened in that yea r outside Paris , which th e memorandum doe s no t mention 6. Othe r evidence , soon t o be considered, suggest s that i t was prepared earl y in the reign o f Henry I I (1547-59) and befor e th e king' s firs t visi t to th e Parlement of Pari s i n 1549.

By the time Francis I died on 31 March 1547 and was succeeded by his son Henr y II, th e lit de justice wa s a familiar an d entrenche d institution . The Parlement itself had com e t o accor d suc h specia l importanc e t o session s terme d lits de justice a s t o devise for the m a particularly impressiv e an d antique , i f entirely fictive, origin. The parlementary myt h wa s recounte d i n a remonstrance o f 3 December 1547, directed against Henr y IP s erectio n o f th e count y o f Aumal e a s a ducal peerage . There th e court declare d tha t Charlemagne , followin g th e exampl e o f th e twelv e judge s o f Israel an d th e Apocalyps e an d o f Christ' s apostles , ha d institute d twelv e peer s "t o judge an d settl e al l the loft y an d grea t case s i n France , an d t o hol d hi s lit de justice when necessary." 7 Thus th e Parlement outdid late r commentators i n mythologizin g

5 Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 122-25 (Fr. ed . 116-19) (hypothesis tha t Du Tillet coul d no t hav e written the anonymou s memorandum) , 152 (Fr. ed . 149-50) (reasons for dating i t ca. 1560). Hanley's belief tha t th e theorie s whic h sh e attribute s t o Du Tillet wer e full y formulate d b y th e tim e th e memorandum was composed, in her view around 1560, seems incompatible with the date ca. 1566 of the works on which she chiefly base s her analysis: see 16-17 n. 22 above. Nor was Du Tillet's thought, o n this an d other subjects , entirely consistent : 82-83, 99-101 below; Brown , "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians'1, 60-63; eadem, Jean du Tillet and his Recueils.

6 The memorandum survives in a copy in BN, Cinq Cents de Colbert 212, fols. 210r-v, 213r-v; it is ed. in Appendix I I below . Anothe r manuscrip t copy , preserve d amon g paper s relatin g t o th e Godefroys ' Ceremonial François, is entided "Discours Touchant l e Lit de Justice des Roys fait par Le Greffier du Tillet vers 1550, " a date close to th e one w e propose : AN , K K 1428, fols . 225r-27r. Othe r evidenc e suggests that the Godefroys were less sure about their attribution than this tide indicates. The BN cop y ends, c7e croy que le Recueil que dessus est du Greffier Du Tillet, Et a esté faict entre l'an 1550 et 1563"; similarly, a marginal notation to the printed version reads, "Ow estime qu e ce Recueil a esté fait par le Greffier duTille t enuiron entre l'an 1550. et 1563": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:427-28, at 427 (our italics).

7 ".. . l e Roy Charlemagn e qu i fut l e premier Instituteur desdit s Pairs , comme Ro y Tres-Chrestien pri t exemple de la Loy Diuine, par laquelle en Israël y eût douze principaux luges, & au Nouueau Testament en l'Apocalypse , es t fai t mentio n d e douze luge s jugean s & assistan s a u trosne, qu i son t appelie z le s principales estoile s du Firmament : & considéra auss i principalemen t qu'a u Royaume d e France Tres-Chrestien, pa r grace spéciale l e Ro y es t pardessu s tou s autre s Roys & Monarques , vra y Vicair e & Représentâtes de nostre Sauueur Iesus-Christ, quant à la moderation temporelle, ainsi même qu'auoit

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the origi n o f th e institution , her e Unkin g i t wit h Charlemagne . I n hi s person, th e court declared , "th e revelatio n o f th e Apocalyps e wa s fulfilled, " an d th e divin e analogies an d inspiratio n claime d fo r th e peerag e ennoble d a s wel l th e judicia l sessions tha t the peers attended .

This remonstranc e wa s sen t t o a king wh o was deeply concerne d with issues o f protocol an d ceremonial. Twenty-three days before his consecration at Reims on 26 July 1547 Henry I I asked the Parlement to have its greffier (for whom the king had considerable respect) 8 send him extracts from the court's registers informing hi m of "the orde r an d ran k o f th e peer s o f France " an d th e distinction s amon g thos e elevated t o the peerage "i n modern times." 9 Within tw o days Jean du Tillet visited the Conseil privé to show th e roya l councilors th e register of th e trial of Robert o f Artois and leav e wit h the m a copy o f th e firs t folio , whic h liste d the ol d an d new peers in 1332; he also gave them copies of the attendance at the sessions convened in 1527 when Francis I held his lit de justice t o judge Charles of Bourbon 10. On 6 July the Parlement sent th e kin g a repor t prepare d an d signe d b y Du Tillet, whic h

prédit S . lean en l'Apocalypse, o ù est expressément declare que celuy qui sera assis en la Nue Candide , représentant, comm e disen t plusieurs grand s Interprètes de la Loy Diuine , l e Royaume de France; sera tres-semblable à Iesus-Christ , à sçauoir par imitation & spécial e grace. Pour cette caus e comme recit e Alcuyn Précepteu r d e Charlemagne, Turpin, & autre s Historiographe s François , Charlemagne en l a personne duque l ladit e reuelatio n d e l'Apocalyps e fust accomplie, institu a à l'ex[e]mpl e de s douz e Apostres, douze Pairs, six Ecclésiastiques & six Séculiers, pour iuger & définir toutes les hautes & grandes causes de France, & pour tenir son lict de Iustice quand il en seroit besoin": Lettres et Mémoires dy Estât, ed. Ribier, 2:89-91, at 90; cf. Num. 1.44 ("duodecim principes Israel"); Rev. 12.1 (win capite eius corona stellarum duodecim") (cf . Rev. 4.4, "supe r thronos vigint i quatuor seniores sedentes"); Rev. 14.14 ("Et vidi et ecce nubem candidam: et super nubem sedentem similem Filio hominis"); Jackson comments on Charlemagne an d th e peers , and analogie s between th e peer s an d th e Aposdes , i n "Peer s o f France, " 30-31, and "Anzeiche n de r Vergôtterung," 99 . The Parlement suggested tha t t o avoi d increasin g th e number of peers, the peerages of Flanders and Artois (the counties confiscated in 1537) should be "mises hors de s fleuron s d e l a Couronne, " or els e tha t th e kin g shoul d declar e tha t whe n th e peerage s o f Montpensier and Aumale (created, respectively, in 1539 and 1547) reverted to the crown they would not be replaced: on these peerages, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:561[male for 516]-50. If he did so, the Parlement would registe r th e roya l lette r withou t publication . Henr y issue d hi s decre e when h e wa s crowned at Reims in July 1547, but the Parlement did not capitulate until 5 January 1548; it added to the formula of registration the phrase "manente tamen antiqua jurisdictionis forma quoad attinet notionem & jurisdictionem causaru m subjectorum , nis i jur a Parias immediate contingant" : ibid. , 3:548-49. The Parlement had expeditiousl y (an d withou t comment ) registere d th e roya l decre e o f Februar y 1539 erecting Montpensier as a peerage on 6 March 1539: ibid., 3:519-20.

8 By 2 July 1547 the king had renewed Francis I's commission to Du Tillet to prepare a compendium of royal ordonnances; on that date Henry I I ordered the Parlement to see that Du Tillet be permitted to consult th e archive s o f th e greffes des presentations et criminel, and o n 26 August th e Parlement implemented these orders: AN, X 1A 1560 , fol. 474v; Michaud, La grande chancellerie, 384 n. 4. Brown treats this commission i n detail , in Jean du Tillet and his Recueils.

9 "Pource que nous desirons sçauoir & entendre l'Ordre & Rang que doiuent tenir les Pairs de France, & les degrez de ceu x qui ont est é modernemen t érige z e n Pairrie , lesquel s doiuen t estr e enregistrez e s Registres de nostre Cour de Parlement à Paris: .. . nou s vous prions, & neantmoins mandons les faire extraire desdit s Registres , & nou s e n enuoye r v n Estâ t sign é d e vostr e Greffier , contenan t leur s antiquitez, & le temps de leursdites Erections, le plustost & le plus diligemment que faire se pourra": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 1:294 ; also in Lettres et Mémoires d yEstât, ed. Ribier, 2:37-38.

10 "[Vostr e dit Greffier] a fait voir en vostre Conseil Priué le Registre du procès de Robert d'Artois, & a laissé la copie du premier feuillet d'iceluy; auquel est escrit l'Ordre & Rang que doiuent tenir les Pairs de France, tant anciens que depuis créez: Aussi a laissé les Doubles de l'assistance du feu Roy vostre père, que Dieu absolue, tenant son Lict de Iustice, pour le lugement de Messire Charles de Bourbon":

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outlined th e curren t stat e of th e peerage , enumerating al l peerages create d sinc e th e early fifteenth centur y that were still in existence11. Henry's interes t in this subject i s understandable i n vie w o f hi s approachin g consecration , an d th e da y befor e th e ceremony th e kin g indee d ha d t o issu e a decre e regulatin g conflictin g claim s t o precedence12. I t ma y hav e bee n Du Tdlet himsel f wh o resolve d anothe r issu e o f protocol a t th e consecration 13.

Du Tillet's submissio n o f th e attendanc e lis t fo r th e lits de justice o f 1527 to th e Conseil privé, reinforced b y th e Parlement' s insistenc e o n th e venerabl e histor y o f the lit de justice i n it s remonstrance o f 3 December 1547, may wel l have impresse d Henry I I wit h th e institution's significance . A year late r he took it s importance fo r granted when o n 22 December 1548 he commanded Jean d u Tillet t o collect source s illuminating rank an d precedence observed i n "all great and solemn assemblies. " The royal mandate singled out for specia l mention, with meetings of the estates and roya l entries, assemblies a t which th e kings held th e lit de justice^. Th e lis t tha t Du Tillet compiled during the next few weeks contained n o theoretica l statement s bu t simpl y enumerated document s containin g usefu l roster s o f attendance . I n i t h e almos t always adhered t o hi s sources ' terminology. Thus th e phrase "le lict de Justice tenu par le Roy" appeared wit h reference onl y to the six sessions that were presided ove r by Francis I in 1527 and 1537 15. Of th e majority ordonnance issued by Charles VI in 1407, Du Tillet meticulousl y recorde d tha t i t had bee n published "i n Parlement, the king ther e holdin g hi s lit de justice" ("en parlemen t l e Roy y tenant so n lic t de Justice"). Of th e three sessions held in July 1493 and tha t of 7 July 1498 he stated tha t the kin g wa s "holdin g hi s Parlement to hono r hi s justice " ("tenan t so n parlement pour honnorer sa Justice"). In only on e case, the trial of Alençon in 1458, did he use

Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 1:294. See Appendix I , 108-12, esp. 109 below, fo r furthe r discussion o f the registe r of the Artois proceedings.

11 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 1:294-95. 12 Jackson, Vive le Roil, 155-71 (Fr. ed. 145-60). 13 [Carloix], Mémoires de la vie de François de Scepeaux, 1:378-88; also i n Nouvelle collection des

mémoires, ed. Michau d an d Poujoulat , 75-76. The questio n involve d th e rank s o f th e fou r baron s assigned to guard the Holy Ampulla. The opinion of the lord of Vleilleville was allegedly confirmed b y the chancellor , François Olivier, an d additiona l informatio n wa s furnishe d b y "M. du Thillet, qu i estoit un g aultre viei l & plus certai n registre de s ancienne s histoire s e t antiquite z d e France. " Tlie author identified "M. du Thillet" as having been sent to the coronation "comme depute du corps du Chastelet," an d Jean du Tillet would no t hav e been present in this capacity , althoug h he might wel l have attended the coronation. We have been unable to locate any "M. du ThUlet" among the officers o f the Châtelet at this period, an d like many statement s in the Mémoires this identification i s probabl y erroneous. Se e n. 48 below.

14 ".. . quel ran g & ordre, du temps de nos prédécesseur s Roys de France iusques à huy, . . . e n toute s grandes & solennelle s Assemblée s ... , ô c si elle estoi t solennell e e n forme d'Estats , o u d'Entrées de s Roys nos antecesseur s e n leur s Villes , o u e n tenan s l e Lic t d e l a Iustice , o u autre s solennelle s Assemblées": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, l: e iiij-v (the entire mandate); also in Lettres et Mémoires d'Estat, ed . Ribier, 2:37-38. The list of sources that Du Tillet prepared by 12 January 1549, found in BN, fr. 17294, fols. 25r-31r, is published in Brown, Jean du Tillet and his Recueils, Appendix III, where she discusses two partial copies of the finished work (BN, fr. 3339, fols. 29r-40v; fr. 4315, fols. lr-16v).

15 BN, fr . 17294, fol. 30r-v; n. 10 above.

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the term lit de justice to describe a session that was not so termed in the records of the Parlement16.

Despite the catalogue's lack of theoretical statements , some similarities between it and th e anonymou s memorandu m o n roya l appearance s i n th e Parlement suggest that they may well have been composed by the same person. The examples of lits de justice give n i n th e memorandu m ar e al l foun d i n th e restricte d lis t i n Du Tillet's catalogue. Bot h catalogu e an d memorandu m associat e session s hel d "t o hono r justice" not wit h lits de justice bu t rathe r with sessions o f th e Parlement's Conseil, with pleadings (when the lit was not erected and when the members of the Parlement wore black) , an d wit h post-entr y sessions . Anothe r similarit y emerge s fro m th e treatment o f Alençon's trial in 1458 at Vendôme, but neithe r thi s questio n no r the date o f th e anonymou s memorandu m ca n b e treate d unti l th e work i s mor e full y considered.

The memorandum divide s th e royal session s o f th e Parlement into thre e catego-ries: assemblie s a t which king s hol d thei r lits de justice, visit s t o th e Conseil, and attendance a t pleadings 17. Treatin g firs t th e lit de justice, th e memorandu m state s categorically tha t th e lit de justice i s hel d onl y i n th e Parlement of Paris , which i s equated wit h th e cour t o f peers , a commonplac e allude d t o i n th e Parlement' s remonstrance of 3 December 1547 and reflected in the expression "le Lict de Iustice et de s pairs" that th e Parlement used i n addressin g th e roya l treasure r on 23 May 156218. Then the author abrupdy says that when it pleases the king to hold the lit de justice elsewher e tha n i n Paris , he convene s hi s Parlement where h e wishes , a s has happened at Montargis, Vendôme, and other towns. Note, however: nothing is said of holding th e lit de justice i n any of th e king's Parlements except that of Paris. The memorandum simply asserts, as was true, that the king could order the Parlement of Paris to assemble wherever he wanted - as in fact he did for the trial of Alençon in 1458, when the members of the tribunal were summoned to appear first in Montargis and then in Vendôme19. Whether the author thought tha t Alençon was tried in a lit de justice i s unclear , althoug h th e logi c o f hi s argumen t suggest s jus t that . Th e memorandum's lac k of clarity on this point is, however, understandable , for, as has been seen, the sources for the trial are ambiguous. When compiling his catalogue of ranks and precedence for Henry II late in 1548, Du Tillet wrestled with the nature of

16 Ibid., fol. 29r; for 1458, see BN, fr . 4315, fol. 6r (fr. 3339, fol. 36r) ("larrest [donne] Contre Iehan duc dalencon par ledict Roy tenan t son Lic t de iustice").

17 The distinctio n tha t th e memorandu m draw s betwee n session s o f th e Conseil and thos e hel d fo r pleading is acknowledged b y Hanley; nevertheless , she presents the text as if it divided roya l sessions into the two categorie s o f lit de justice an d "Royal Séance**: The Lit de Justice, 122 (Fr. ed. 116-17).

18 AN, X 1A 1602 , fol . 288v, a session a t which th e treasure r was informe d o f th e securit y problem s i n Paris (and particularly the palace), "qui estoit le plus hault & noble lieu du Royaulme ou estoit le Lict de Iustice et de s pairs." The sam e equatio n o f Parlement and cour t o f peer s is foun d i n Du Tillet's Recueil des Roys fo r Charle s IX , complete d i n 1566: Recveil des Roys, 256. The passag e doe s no t appear in the earlier recension for Henry II , finished betwee n 1553 and 1555.

19 The roya l decree s o f 20 July an d 10 October 1458 are explici t o n thi s point : Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:26 1 ("que nostr e cour de parlement lors séante en nostre bonne ville & cité de Paris, soit & fut tenue au lieu de Mongargis"; "nostredite cour de parlement garnie de pers estre continuée & tenue au lieu de Vendosme"); Chartier, Chronique, 3:9 2 ("que nostre court de parlement, lors séant à Paris, seroit et se rendrait en nostre ville de Montargis"). Cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 124-2 5 (Fr. ed. 118-19) .

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the assembly . H e cancele d th e entr y i n hi s draft , frustrate d b y th e refusa l o f th e criminal clerk of the Parlement, Nicolas Malon, to show him the account of the trial he believed he had. Du Tillet was therefore prevente d from givin g the attendance at what h e termed "th e Parlement garnished wit h peers. " Nonetheless, i n th e en d h e included a reference t o the occasio n in the catalogue , where he said that the decree against the duke was issued by the king "holding his lit de justice/'20 The questio n of the term s use d t o designat e th e assembl y wa s no t importan t i n an d o f itself ; th e author of th e memorandum was focusing o n more significant issues .

The memorandum goe s on t o state that the lit de justice i s customarily hel d onl y for matters "concerning universally the estate (ÏEstât) of the king," as was the case in 1407 and 1527; the author added that it was unclear whether a lit de justice ha d to be held t o judg e prince s o f th e blood . Whe n th e kin g hold s th e lit de justice, th e memorandum notes , member s o f th e Parlement are cla d i n red , th e president s wearing their mantles and the clerk his épitoge in both winter and summer - precisely the garb found at sessions held in July 1527 and December 1537 21. Discussing seating arrangements of the assembled dignitaries on the high benches, reference i s made to the presence of the great and the first chamberlains at the king's feet (where they had sat i n Jul y 1527), with th e prévôt of Pari s nearby 22. Th e autho r say s nothing , however, o f th e king' s thron e an d othe r decor , evidentl y believin g suc h detai l superfluous.

Next th e memorandu m turn s t o th e tw o othe r sort s o f session s tha t th e kin g attends i n th e Parlement of Paris : Conseil and Plaidoyé - meetings hel d t o hono r justice, whe n th e court' s officer s wea r black . Her e onl y materia l distinction s ar e drawn, a s i f th e autho r assume d tha t reader s woul d b e awar e o f th e differen t functions o f the assemblies. For the Conseil the king customarily sits in a ceremonial

20 "L e procès et lugement donne contre monseigneur Iehan duc dalencon l e xe octobre mil quattre cens cincquante huyt est ou greffe criminel et pource que le greffier criminel ne le ma voulu exhiber le nay peu extraire lassistance quj fut ou parlement garny des pers": BN, fr . 17294 , fol. 29v ; see n. 1 6 above. On the records of the trial, see 39-41 above. Before he completed his Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands (see 405-7), D u Tillet found a copy o f th e assiette for th e session , whic h h e include d i n th e work; he appears to have taken his text from BN, fr . 5943, a fifteenth-century manuscrip t that passed into Colbert's hands , or an exact copy; a less complete version i s found i n BN, fr . 5738.

21 See 64, 72 above. We realize that i f the memorandum was indee d compose d befor e Henr y II' s post -entry visi t to the Parlement in 1549 (as we shal l argue below), the inclusion o f thi s stipulation mean s that its author accepted as prescriptive th e usage on which Franci s I had insisted i n 1537. As wil l b e seen, from 1549 red costumes were almos t invariably associate d with lits de justice. Dissensio n aros e among the officials of various royal offices anxiou s to wear red for Henry IPs entry, and the Parlement defended it s right to this privilege: Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 1:885-87.

22 See 64, 69-70 , 71-7 2 above. Thi s statemen t offer s anothe r clu e t o th e dat e o f th e memorandum . Although we consider it less decisive than the question of post-entry session s (to be discussed below), the memorandum's reference to the two chamberlains at the king's feet suggests that it was composed relatively soon after July 1527, when the two officers sa t together. As has been seen, in December 1527 the first chamberlain, and in January 1537 the great chamberlain was alone. Records of roya l session s held between 2 July 1549 and 17 May 1563 mention th e presence onl y o f th e grea t chamberlain wit h the prévôt of Pari s below him : Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:518 (1549) , 532 (1551), 538 (1552), 553 (1563); Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 447-4 8 (1558) , 448-49 (1559 , lacking an y referenc e t o th e prévôt). Had th e memorandu m bee n compose d late r i n th e reig n o f Henry II , w e believ e i t unlikel y tha t it s autho r woul d hav e insiste d o n th e presenc e o f bot h chamberlains a t the king's feet .

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chair ("une chaire de parement") within the parquet, not on his high seat ("son haut siege"), which he occupies for pleadings; the seating of others (including princes o f the bloo d an d la y peers ) i s als o discussed . Almos t a s a n aftenhough t th e autho r remarks tha t sometime s ("se trouv e que") afte r thei r entrie s th e king s visi t th e Parlement of Paris 23 to honor an d recommend thei r justice, first o n "the day of th e Conseil** and the n t o atten d pleadings ; th e phraseolog y thu s indicate s that , a s had happened after the entry of Francis I, two different visits are envisaged. This, says the author i n closing , i s wha t ca n b e extracte d fro m th e register s o f th e Parlement regarding such assemblie s i n the past .

The author's penultimate remark provides a clue to the date of the memorandum. He woul d hardl y hav e indicate d tha t king s cam e t o tw o separat e meeting s o f th e Parlement after thei r entrie s ha d h e bee n writing afte r th e sessio n o f 2 July 1549, which followe d th e lavis h ceremonie s celebrating th e entry o f Henr y I I to Pari s in mid-June. Compare d t o th e post-entry visi t of Franci s I to th e Parlement's Conseil and then to a meeting for pleadings, the single session held after Henry IPs splendid entry was unusual, marrying the decor that had become customary for lits de justice to th e proceedings associate d bot h with the Conseil and with pleadings. Its unusual characteristics were fully in keeping with the unprecedented pomp and originality of the entry 24.

Thus we believ e that the memorandum which survives must have been compose d before Henr y IP s post-entr y visit , a t the ver y tim e Du Tillet wa s drawin g u p hi s catalogue o f document s illustratin g rank s an d precedence . Henr y I I ha d solicite d information abou t a wide rang e o f assemblies ; hi s reques t di d no t focu s o n roya l sessions o f th e Parlement, as ha d Franci s I' s i n 1542. Nor wa s th e memorandu m addressed to the king; indeed its reference to Francis I as "the late king" (rather than "the last king, your father") indicates that it was not prepared especially for Henr y II. But the memorandum responds to questions that Du Tillet's catalogue might well have provoke d i n th e mind s o f th e king' s officers , includin g th e member s o f th e Parlement itself. The similaritie s betwee n catalogu e and memorandum - the exam-ples of lits de justice, the vocabulary, the evasive treatment of Vendôme - suggest that Du Tillet wrote the memorandum, and the two works could easily have been drawn up contemporaneously, before Henry IPs post-entry visit to the Parlement. In many respects, th e accoun t o f thi s sessio n tha t Du Tillet include d i n th e register s o f th e Parlement confirms an d conforms t o the memorandum's prescriptions, which were conflated i n the session 25.

23 Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 173 (Fr. ed . 169) (the memorandu m "note d tha t Lit de Justice assemblies sometime s followed Roya l Entrées to various cities").

24 Particularly usefu l amon g th e man y informativ e account s an d analyse s o f th e entr y ar e McFarlane, Entry of Henri II, esp . 11-28, 61-75; Yates, ed., Bouquet, La ioyeuse Entree de Charles IX, 6; Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony, 61-66; Babelon, Paris au XVIe siècle, 61-64. The king entered the city on 16 June, his wife Catherine de Medicis two days later; the visit to the Parlement on 2 July signale d the beginning o f th e final festivities, whic h terminated with a great naval combat o n 3 July an d a procession an d the burning of heretics on 4 July.

25 The author of the memorandum could have had a hand in planning the post-entry visit, but there is no explicit evidenc e tha t Du Tillet helpe d arrang e Henry H' s entrie s to provincia l citie s or his entr y t o Paris, although as civil clerk of the court he participated in and recorded the Parisian entries of both the king and the queen: Le Ceremonial Francois, ed . Godefroy, 1:879-85, 887-93 ; Du Tdlet, Recueil des

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Du Tillet did not use the term lit de justice in describing the session of 2 July 1549. Slightly abbreviatin g th e introductor y formul a employe d b y Séraphin du Tillet i n 1527 and by himself in 1537, he stated that "the king was in his seat and royal throne, on th e parque t o f hi s Parlement, to moun t t o whic h ther e wer e a numbe r o f (plusieurs) steps covered with blue velvet cloth embroidered with golden fleurs de lis, and a canopy of the same cloth above, and around and behind the king and beneath his feet were a number of (plusieurs) square cushions o f the same." 26 This of cours e was the apparatus called the lit de justice, eve n if Du Tillet did not use the phrase and said there were "a number of" (rather than seven) steps , and "a number of" (rathe r than four ) pillows . Cloth s covere d wit h golde n fleurs de lis abounded , an d th e members o f th e Parlement wore re d robes , th e president s thei r mantles , an d Du Tillet his épitoge. On the other hand, the great chamberlain, the duke of Longueville , sat o n the secon d (rathe r tha n th e first ) ste p a t the king' s feet . Othe r peculiaritie s emerge from Du Tillet's description. Twice he refers to the places properly occupie d at pleadings, firs t notin g tha t th e chancellor , François Olivier, ha d take n th e on e where he himself customarily sat for such meetings, then commenting that he was in the spo t assigne d t o th e crimina l cler k a t thos e sessions . Als o noteworth y i s th e presence nea r Du Tillet o f a kneelin g woma n holdin g a petitio n requestin g a n audience with the king. As to the business of the day, Du Tillet first noted that it was "ou conseil " that th e kin g addresse d th e Parlement and introduce d th e chan -cellor; the n followe d pleadings , a t whic h th e woma n receive d he r audienc e an d the king's favorable judgment. Thus the session was ceremonially an d substantivel y hybrid.

Does Du Tillet's failure to use the term lit de justice mean that despite the presence of th e magnificen t trapping s an d a distinguishe d attendanc e (whic h include d th e queen an d other ladies) , he an d th e other s wh o wer e presen t di d no t thin k o f th e session a s a lit de justice} Th e belie f tha t post-entry session s coul d no t properl y b e associated wit h lits de justice, reflecte d i n th e anonymou s memorandum , perhap s deterred Du Tillet i n 1549 from employin g th e phras e t o describ e th e session . Jacques-Auguste d e Thou late r di d so , sayin g tha t th e kin g "celebrate d hi s lit de justice in the golden chamber" of the palace27. Within the next two decades Du Tillet

honneurs et rangs des grands, 339 , 438-51; cf. Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony, 62-63 (and note that Du Tillet was not "royal historiographer") .

26 "L e Roy Estant en son siege & trosne Royal ou parquet de son parlement Pour monter auquel y auoit plusieurs degrez couuertz dun tapis de velours bleu seme de fleurs de lis dor en façon de broderie et au dessus vn g cie l d e mesme s / Alentou r & derrièr e ledic t seigneu r soub z se s pied z y auoi t plusieur s carreaulx de mesmes": AN, X IA 1565 , fol. 203v ; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 439-41; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:518-31 (termed here a Lit de Justice; as in AN, K X 1428, fol. 245r , but cf. fol . 235v ["simple visite a son Parlement"]); Mémoires du Parlement de Paris, ed. Blondel, 2:131-64, esp. 150-51; Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 52 n. 7,127 n. 1 (Fr. ed. 334 n. 7, 350 n. 1).

27 ".. . rex , agnatis principibus, cancellario ac libellorum supplicu m magistri s comitantibus , i n palatium, ubi senatu s habetur , venit ; e t in aurea camera justitiae lectisternium , quo d vocant , celebravit" : Historiarum ... Libri, 1:204 ; Histoire universelle, 1 :380 ("& il y tint , ce qu'on appelle le Lit de Justice, dans la Chambre dorée").

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himself apparend y revised his opinion - unless (as seems unhkely) he inadvertendy omitted th e ter m in the description o f th e session that he prepared in 154928.

Twice i n th e Recueil on honor s an d rank s tha t he finishe d i n 1566 or 1567 Du Tdlet explicitl y call s th e sessio n o f 2 July 1549 a lit de justice, statin g tha t th e king "caused t o b e seate d i n hi s lit de justice" thos e assemble d i n th e Parlement, and declaring tha t "a t th e lit de justice o f 2 July" certai n rule s o f precedenc e wer e followed29. These designations of the session very likely witness a shift in Du Tillet's own thinking and an expansion of the range of meaning encompassed by the term lit de justice. Th e elaborat e trapping s tha t were displaye d make s th e designation see m appropriate. S o too , eve n more , doe s th e metapho r feature d prominentl y i n th e speech delivered by First President Pierre Lizet. Addressing the king, Lizet declared it "ver y fittin g an d greatly prope r that your roya l majesty , havin g made your very excellent and triumphant entry, has been pleased, following the praiseworthy custom of former kings , to come into his sovereign consistory, you r very humble and very obedient cour t o f Parlement, to si t in your true royal throne , situate d in it , whic h your predecessor s hav e called , i n grea t assemblies , especiall y wher e th e peer s o f France are convoked, the lit de justice, not without good cause, both because of your royal dignit y an d becaus e o f you r subjects , since i n i t you , Sire , take your repos e because by sovereign justice (when it pleases you to exercise it and be present there) you guar d th e obedienc e an d subjectio n tha t your subject s ow e you , makin g yo u feared an d loved b y them , which i s the true repose an d tranquility o f your estate. "

After speakin g briefl y t o th e kin g i n private , h e continued , "B y your sovereig n justice, Sire, when you illumin e it by your royal presence, you support among your subjects peace, union, and the bond of human society, and thus it is also for them the lit wher e the y repose." 30 Anyone hearin g this speech , and , even more, viewing th e 28 Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 127-33; 354 , no. 43 (Fr. ed . 122-29; 412 , no. 43); eadem,

"Constitutional Discourse," 168; followed by Giesey, Cérémonial et puissance souveraine, 37-38 (who says that the term "séance royalle" [sic] appears in the register); idem, "Inaugura l Aspects," 45.

29 Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 346 ("Le Roy .. . fei t seoir en son lict de iustice"), 351 ("O u lict de iustice du 2. Iuillet"). In Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys, 512, Du Chesn e quoted an apparend y anonymous lif e o f Henry II whic h state d tha t "les ieux (de son entrée) finis, il alla tenir son Siege, & seoir en son Lit de Iustice au Parlement, où i l présida, auec les Princes & Pairs du Royaume suiuant la coustume obseruée par ses prédécesseurs."

30 "Sir e I I es t tresdecen t & moul t conuenabl e a vostr e Royall e maiest e aprè s auoi r faic t so n entree tresexceilente e t triumphante quil luy a pieu suiuant la louable coustume des Roys antecesseurs venir en son souuerain consistoire, quj est ceste vostre treshumble & tresobeissante court de parlement, pour vous asseoi r e n vostr e vra y trosne Roya l estan t e n Icell e que les antecesseurs on t appell e es grande s assemblées mesmement ou II y a conuocacion de pers de france / le lict de Iustice non sans grande cause tant pour le Regard de vostre Royalle dignité que de voz subiectz . Car en Icelluy vous / sir e / prene z vostre Repo s pourc e qu e pa r la Iustic e souuerain e / quan t I I vous plais t lexerce r & y assiste r vou s gardez lobeissance et subiection que voz subiectz vous doyuent vous faisant craindre & aymer par eulx qui est le vray Repos & tranquilite de vostre estât / Apre s les anciens philosophes Plutarque diet que par le maintenement de la Iustice le prince aiant obéissance est a Repos / Sur ce propos mondict sieur le chancellier est monte parler au Roy Et après quil a este descendu, sest assis et couuert a diet / L e Roy vous commande que soiez assis / Lor s mondict sieur le premier president & les aultres de ladicte court se son t leue z e t assi s mai s son t demoure z nue s teste s / Et a Reprins & poursuiuy mondic t sieu r l e premier president son propo s Disan t pa r vostr e Iustic e souuerain e sir e quan t lillustre z d e vostr e presence Royalle entretene z entr e voz subiect z l a concorde, lunion & lien dhumaine société Conse -quemment cest aussi quant a eulx le lict ou Hz se Reposent": AN, X1A 1565 , fols. 207v-8r; cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 132-33 (Fr. ed. 128) (whose transcription often differs from ours); we are grateful to

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majestic setting in which the king appeared, might well have thought the session a lit de justice. Eve n though lofty matter s concerning the king's estate wer e not treated, the tides Conseil and Plaidoyé would have seemed scarcely fitting, as Du Tillet in the end concluded.

Similar ambiguity cloaks the other solemn sessions that Henry II attended, largely because o f th e terminology tha t Du Tillet did - and did not - use.

On 12 November 1551 the king was present for the first session of the Parlement's new term . Despit e effort s o f th e king' s advocate s an d th e procurato r general , th e session was in effect purel y ceremonial. The king heard the oaths a s peers taken b y the dukes of Guis e and Montmorency, listene d to a n address b y the first president , responded to a remonstrance delivered by one of the royal advocates on the plight of the Parisian poor, attended mass with the Parlement, and presided over the swearing in of lawyer s an d procurators. The assemblag e included the two ne w la y peers and three ecclesiastica l peers ; actin g i n plac e o f th e grea t chamberlain , th e marsha l (Robert IV de la Marck, lord of Sedan) sat on the first step at the king's feet and the prévôt of Paris on the lowest; cloth decorated with fleurs de lis decked the premises; the members of the Parlement were garbed in red; the greffier civil wore his épitoge; First President Gilles le Maistre twice alluded to the "solemnity" ("solennité") of the occasion before the king's arrival, and, later, referred to the king in his speech as "the living law" ("la Loy viue")31. The meeting thus had some of the attributes associated with lits de justice, eve n though no grav e matters of stat e were treated.

This might not hav e been the case had the two roya l advocate s (Deni s Riant and Pierre Seguier) and the procurator general (Noel Bruslart) had their way. Befor e th e session Seguie r requeste d tha t the y b e permitte d t o rais e fou r importan t an d controversial issue s in the king's presence. Three were classic subjects of contentio n between king and Parlement: the king's removal of case s from the court , the sale of judicial offices , an d the replacement o f clerica l judicia l officer s wit h laymen . These were to b e treated behin d close d doors , the fourth (th e threat to th e welfare o f th e needy poo r pose d b y th e decreas e i n almsgiving ) wit h door s opened . Th e firs t president immediatel y demurred . Acknowledgin g tha t th e topic s wer e "pertinent " and deserved discussion, he nonetheless sai d that the time required by the ceremony which accompanie d th e visi t th e kin g wa s makin g "t o hono r thi s court " ("pou r honorer c e Cour" ) made thi s impossible ; i t woul d b e bette r t o rais e th e issue s a t another time. The question of clerical posts was, he said, particularly prickly since it touched som e individual s wh o wer e awaitin g confirmation , whos e situatio n th e

Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r checkin g ou r transcription agains t th e registe r of th e Conseil. Larfeuil discusses Lizet and his speech, in Etudes sur Pierre Lizet, esp . 35-36. Scheller cites the use of a similar conceit in verses found i n a manuscript o f ca. 1475 ("Le lit enseigne quen repos / Doibt lug e dire so n pourpoz") : "Th e *Li t de Justice'," 198-99. In th e summe r o f 1562 the roya l procurato r general, Gilles Bourdin, demandin g tha t th e Parlement punish rebe l subjects , sai d tha t seditio n wa s rampant and was displayed uen [la ] face [du Roy], en sa Court, & au lict de son repos": Mémoires de Condé, ed . Secousse, 4:98 (and for the likely date in July, ibid. , 3:619).

31 AN , X 1A 1571 , fols. lr-4r ; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:531-37 ; D u Tdlet , Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 441-[4]2 ; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 7:19 3 (Rober t d e la Marck). Because the phrase does not appear in a register of the Parlement, Hanley denies that the session could have bee n considere d a Ik de justice-. The Li t de Justice, 133-35, esp. 133 n. 13 (Fr. ed . 130-31, 351 n. 13).

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Parlement had to consider; as to the poor, the court would soon consider this matter. Seguier, dissatisfied , continue d t o press . H e an d his two colleague s retired , so tha t the Parlement could deliberate . Afte r thi s th e procurato r genera l an d th e tw o advocates were informed that the question was to be left to their discretion, but they were counsele d t o discus s i t wit h thos e clos e t o th e kin g an d wer e tol d tha t th e Parlement opposed consideration o f the issue of the poor; further, if they raised the issue of removing cases from the Parlement, they should also speak of the extraordi-nary commissioner s appointe d b y th e king. This repl y was as unsatisfactory a s the first president' s origina l response , bu t afte r "som e altercations " Seguie r an d hi s colleagues departed 32.

At abou t 9 A.M. th e kin g arrived , th e duke s o f Guis e an d Montmorency wer e sworn a s peers , an d th e firs t presiden t gav e a brie f address , centere d o n th e traditional theme s o f religio n an d justice an d filled wit h praise o f th e king an d his predecessors. Then, contravening the Parlement's recommendation, Seguier took the floor to speak of the needs of the poor, recommending that "the rich and opulent" be constrained t o contribut e t o thei r support . The keepe r o f th e seals , Jean Bertrand, consulted th e kin g an d announce d tha t the question woul d b e taken under advise-ment. Afte r th e kin g an d th e Parlement had adjourne d t o atten d mas s an d the n reconvened, Henry I I himself declared that he had come to the court because of his desire to see justice well administered. The doors were opened, and the lawyers and procurators took thei r oaths. Around noon the chambers were cleared of the crowd that had entered , an d the king retired to dine 33.

How contemporarie s would have conceived of and classified the session is unclear. Du Tillet's radicall y abbreviate d introduction to his description of the session give s no clues . H e di d no t sa y tha t th e kin g wa s holdin g hi s lit de justice, no r di d h e mention th e apparatus . In all likelihood he believed a full description superfluous -as Séraphin d u Tdlet ha d whe n recountin g th e secon d roya l sessio n o f Decembe r 152734. Thus, he simply referred t o "the king on his sea t decked as was customary" ("Le Roy e n son siege paré comme de coustume"). But of cours e what had become customary wa s th e use o f th e lit de justice, an d we believ e tha t Du Tillet intende d "comme d e coustume" t o stan d fo r th e entir e elaborat e formul a tha t h e ha d previously used .

When Henr y I I returne d t o th e Parlement on 12 February 1552 he di d s o t o discuss affair s o f stat e i n th e Conseil of th e Parlement, behind close d doors . The circumstances wer e unusual . The king did not notif y th e Parlement of hi s intention to atten d th e sessio n unti l 8 A.M.; negotiation s wer e necessar y becaus e Henr y wanted to bring with him not only a number of dignitarie s but also various official s who wer e ordinaril y no t admitte d t o th e Parlement' s Conseil. The kin g himsel f settled the matter by announcin g to the court's emissary , Du Tillet himself, tha t he had no intention of seekin g the court's opinion o r hearing judgments (as happened,

32 Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 3:189-90 , 328 , 33 3 (L e Maistre , roya l advocate befor e becoming fourt h presiden t o f th e cour t o n 12 July 1550; Bruslart; Seguier ; Riant) . Seguie r wa s a renowned lawye r for some thirty years before he entered the king' s service: ibid. , 3:190.

33 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:533-36; Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 6:48 6 (Jea n Bertrand).

34 See 69-70 above.

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respectively, a t session s o f th e Conseil and a t pleadings) . Rather , h e declared , h e wanted th e official s presen t becaus e h e wishe d t o discus s matter s concernin g hi s estate (whic h wer e treated , accordin g t o th e anonymou s memorandum , a t lits de justice). Attende d by the four presidents, the king entered the Parlement by the door leading to the high benches reserved for ecclesiastics and took his seat "en son siege" without crossin g th e parquet o f th e court . The duk e o f Aumal e wa s swor n i n a s a peer and mounted t o his seat.

Finally th e kin g addressed th e cour t o n th e state o f th e kingdom , threatene d b y Emperor Charles V. Since he might have to leave the realm to provide for its defense, he said , he wished t o exhor t th e cour t t o protec t th e faith b y inflictin g exemplar y punishment on heretics, to administer good and speedy justice to his subjects, and to obey th e queen , Catherin e de Medicis, wh o woul d b e regent , an d hi s so n an d Conseil. His enterpris e was not motivated, h e declared, by ambition , but rathe r by his desire to bring profit t o his subjects an d to al l Christendom. H e the n requeste d the constable , Anne d e Montmorency, t o speak . Montmorency' s length y addres s lauded Henry IPs successes, his concern for peace, and his preparations for defend -ing the kingdom against the assaults of the Emperor, whom he particularly attacked for his perfidious dealing s with the Grand Seigneur (Suleiman the Magnificent) an d the consequent losse s suffere d b y Christendom . Then Cardina l Loui s o f Bourbon , bishop of Laon and peer of the realm, rose to inform the king that the clergy of th e Gallican Church would suppor t hi m with thei r prayers an d wealth; i f thei r bodies were not dedicated to Go d an d religion, he said, they would do him no les s servic e than the nobility. Firs t President Gilles le Maistre thanked the king for his visit and promised obedience to the queen, the dauphin, and the king's Conseil. After gracious words fro m th e king, the meeting ende d a t about 10 A.M35.

What was the nature of the assembly? As in 1551 Du Tillet wrote that the king was "en son siege paré comme de coustume"; the monarch was attended b y secular and ecclesiastical peers and various officials; the marshal (Jacques d'Albon, lord of Saint-André)36 wa s explicitl y sai d t o b e a t th e king' s fee t "takin g th e plac e o f th e grea t chamberlain," and the prévôt of Paris sat on the lowest step; the chamber was draped with cloth decorated with fleurs de lis; the agenda concerned the king's estate. On the other hand, the session was less formal tha n that of 1551: the members o f the court wore black robes rather than red37, doubtless because the king came on short notice; the door s o f th e chambe r wer e close d throughout ; th e kin g entere d throug h a n unusual door . Th e king' s declaratio n t o Du Tillet mad e patentl y clea r tha t h e conceived of the session as extraordinary, unlike a customary meeting of the Conseil or a session fo r pleading . Yet the king had originall y indicate d tha t he intende d t o attend a special meeting of the Conseil, and at one point Du Tdlet described the king

35 AN, X1A 1571 , fols. 278v-82v; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:537-45; Du Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 452-5 3 [male, for 442-43] ; Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 2:11 4 (Cardinal of Bourbon); cf . Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 135-37 , 14 0 (Fr. ed. 130-32 , 135-36) .

36 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 7:193-94 . 37 Th e Godefroy s considered th e meeting A lit de justice, and the garb of th e court's official s doubdes s

influenced them to observe in a note to their ed. of the anonymous memorandu m that sometimes the members of th e Parlement wore black at Iks de justice: Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy, 2:248, 537; Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 123-24 (Fr. ed . 117).

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as "seant en sa court au conseil."38 The evidence is ambiguous. However, at least one observer termed the session a lit de justice, a tide that was arguably warranted by the ceremonial aspect s o f th e assembly 39.

A splendid session of the Parlement, attended by Henry II, was held on 15 January 1558 to announce the capture of Calais from England. The meeting served as a grand prelude to a celebratory procession held the following day . The king was accompa -nied by the dauphin Francis , François of Cleves , duke of Nevers and peer, Alfons o d'Esté (identified a s the brothe r o f th e duke o f Ferrara) 40, five cardinal s (o f who m two were peers and one the keeper of the seals), and numerous other ecclesiastics and nobles. The kin g himsel f announce d th e victory to the Parlement and also declared his intention t o depar t for th e front. Befor e leaving , h e said, he wanted to visi t the tribunal i n orde r t o provid e fo r religio n an d justice , whic h h e ha d don e i n edict s drawn up with th e advice o f hi s princes and council; he wished these decrees to be shortly published an d inviolably observed 41. Jean Bertrand, keeper of th e seal s and recently named cardinal of Sens42, reiterated the monarch's messages, and President François d e Saint-Andr é delivered a fittin g response . Evidentl y th e sessio n wa s ceremonial, bu t th e kin g als o exhorte d th e cour t t o registe r hi s decrees . Th e attendance, the trappings, the presence at the king's feet of Louis of Bourbon, prince of Condé (said to replace the great chamberlain)43, on the first step and the prévôt of Paris on the lowest, the cloths adorned with fleurs de lis, and the red robes worn by the member s o f th e Parlement were al l characteristic o f th e lit de justice. Du Tillet

38 AN, X ,A 1571 , fol. 279v ("Toutesfois II [Henry II] nentendoit seoir en sa court que au conseil et a huiz clos"; "Il [Henry II ] m'a commande [Du Tillet] dire a sadicte court que pour ceste fois quil ne vouloit estre parle que de choses concernans son estât sans en auoir oppinion et non de Iugemens de procès, Il entendoit qu e lesdicts gouuerneur s d e pays , cheualier s d e lordr e e t preuos t d e Pari s entrassen t e t assistassent oudi t Conseil") ; fol . 282 v ("C e Iourdhu y l e Ro y sean t e n s a court a u conseil , L e du c DAumale . . . A faic t l e sermen t qu e le s per s on t accoustum e fair e e n ladict e court") ; also in Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:538 , 539 , 545.

39 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:537 , from an unidentified source beginning "A ce Lic t d e Iustice ... "

40 Alfonso (1527-63) was the youngest brother of Ercole II d'Esté, duke of Ferrara from 1534 to 1559; he visited France in September 1557 as his brother's emissary, but we have found no other evidence of his presence i n France i n 1558. After th e death o f Ercol e I I on 3 October 1559, Alfonso too k charg e of Modena fo r hi s sister-in-la w Renée of France , daughter o f Loui s XII . Se e Muratori, Délie antichità estensi ed italiane, 2:384, 388 . His nephe w Alfons o (1533-97), son o f Ercol e I I an d Renée, was dedicated t o Henr y I I an d live d i n Franc e fro m 1552 to Septembe r 1554, and fro m Jun e 1558 to October 1559; he and his brother Ludovico were both in France at the time of the death of their father, whom Alfons o succeeded : ibid. , 2:380-88. In 1548 their siste r Anne ha d marrie d François, duke o f Aumale (and later of Guise), and on 19 May 1549 she had acted as godmother (representing her sister-in-law Marie of Lorraine, dowager queen of Scodand) at the baptism of Louis, second son of Henry II and Catherin e de Medicis; he r father-in-la w Claude , duk e o f Guise , acte d a s Louis ' godfathe r fo r Ercole I I d'Esté: Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 3:485-8 6 (Marie o f Lorrain e an d Anne d'Esté , wrongly datin g Anne' s marriag e 1549); 8:387 ; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:149-52 (baptism of Louis) .

41 Taber discusses Henry's policy regardin g heresy and his attitude to the Parlement between 1551 and 1558, in Royal Policy and Religious Dissent, 17-56; see also eadem, "Religious Dissent, " 684-99.

42 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 6:486 . 43 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:332-33 .

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once agai n describe d th e kin g a s "e n so n sieg e paré comm e d e coustume."44 A n observer woul d hav e ha d goo d justificatio n fo r referrin g t o th e sessio n a s a lit de justice, an d Jacques-Auguste d e Thou late r declare d tha t th e kin g "i n lectistemi o sedit" - although h e di d no t modif y lectisternium wit h justitiae a s h e di d i n describing othe r roya l session s a t whic h th e lit de justice i s know n t o hav e bee n displayed45.

On 10 June 1559, a month befor e hi s death , th e king , accompanie d b y la y an d ecclesiastical dignitaries, attended a session that was very different fro m earlier royal meetings. The Parlement was sittin g temporaril y a t the hous e o f th e Augustinian s because of a royal wedding in the palace, an d on the day in question, a Saturday, a disciplinary session or Mercuriale was being held. The session was devoted to stormy discussion of the councilors' views regarding the appropriate treatment of heretics. It ended extraordinarily , with th e king demandin g th e tall y o f opinion s an d orderin g the arrest of two members for their declarations. King Henry had arrived unexpect-edly and "seated himself in his seat"; the duke of Guise, the great chamberlain, was at his feet; six lay notables (tw o princes, three dukes, and the marshal of France ) were on his right, and five cardinals on his left; the assemblage included three lay and two ecclesiastical peers . The recor d o f th e meeting doe s no t refe r to cloth s o f fleurs de lis; the members o f th e Parlement, naturally enough , were garbe d in black 46. Onl y the position s o f th e grea t chamberlai n an d th e dignitarie s recalle d th e practice s customary a t lits de justice. Describin g th e session , de Thou say s tha t the king was sitting "i n sublimior i solio " - although th e lat e Frenc h translation , whic h i s ofte n inaccurate, render s thi s "tenoi t so n li t de Justice sur un siège élevé." 47 The transla -tion show s that as time passe d th e nea t distinction s draw n i n th e anonymou s me -morandum wer e becomin g blurred , an d th e rang e o f connotation s o f th e phras e lit de justice was expanding. Writing under Henry II I (1574-89), the memorialist o f the lif e o f François d e Scepeaux, lor d o f Vieillevill e an d marsha l o f Franc e

44 AN, X !A 1587 , fols . 14r-15v (an d fols. 16r-17r, fo r th e procession) ; Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:537-45; D u Tillet, Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 452-5 3 [male for 442-43] , 444-48. Cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 135-38 (Fr. ed. 131-33) (this and the other sessions attended by Henry II "were designated correcd y i n the registers of Parlement as Royal Séances, because they di d not treat constitutional issues" [Amer. ed. 138]; "conformément à la thèse du greffier civil , les registres les dénomment Séances royales, du fait qu'elles ne traitèrent pas de questions constitutionnelles" [Fr. ed. 133]) . Brown treats the celebration of the victory, in Du Tillet and the Wars of Religion, 98 n. 12.

45 Historiarum ... Libri, 1:682; cf. Histoire universelle, 3:21 4 ("tint un lit de Justice"). In his account of the assembl y o f 6 January 1558 (at which th e kin g me t representative s o f th e kingdo m i n th e Sall e Saint-Louis to solicit financial support), de Thou says that the monarch was "in solio": Historiarum ... Libri, 1:680; cf . Histoire universelle, 3:21 0 ("sur so n thrône").

46 D u Tillet , Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 448-49 ; Taber , Royal Policy, 56-59; eadem , "Religious Dissent," 686-87; Kaise r discusses the Mercuriales, in "Cours souveraines," 18-23; see La Fosse, Journal, 33. This meeting is not considered by Hanley. The depictions reproduced in Franklin, Les grandes scènes historiques, plate s III-I V (the latte r reversed) , ar e unlikel y t o b e completel y accurate. They show the courtiers seated on an elevated bench that runs around two sides of the room, the ecclesiastics at the king's left and the lay at his right; the king sits on the same bench as the notables; behind and above him are a backdrop and dais decorated with fleurs de lis; the benches are similarly adorned. Perrisson and Tortorel, who were responsible for the images, were Protestants who worked in Lyon i n the las t third o f th e sixteenth centur y an d spen t time in Geneva i n exile: ibid. , section I (Théophile Dufour, "La vie de Tortorel et de Perrisson").

47 D e Thou, Historiarum ... Libri, 1:759; idem, Histoire universelle, 3:362 .

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from 1562 until hi s deat h i n 1571, insisted tha t whe n Henr y I I attende d th e Mercuriale of 1559 he "held his lit de justice" and was "seated in his lit de justice." As in the translation of de Thou's History, thi s terminology ma y reflect usag e that was current after 1574. On the other hand, however fanciful an d exaggerated the detailed account he gives of Vieilleville's allege d conversation with the king before th e royal visit t o th e Parlement, the author' s dictio n ma y have been inspired b y a record o r recollection o f word s Vieilleville actuall y used 48.

During hi s brie f reign , Franci s I I (1559-60) did not visi t the Parlement of Paris , but had he lived he would surely have held lits de justice there. Like his his father and the Parlement on 27 November 1560, the young kin g sai d o f th e covering o f blu e velvet fo r hi s thron e (whic h h e wa s orderin g sen t t o Orléans for a meeting o f th e Estates) that it "has been customarily used in our court of Parlement when we hold our lit de justice there." 49 Francis did not specify what he believed constituted a lit de justice. Hi s statemen t coul d impl y tha t th e us e o f th e velve t trapping s wa s wha t distinguished lits de justice from other sessions, whatever happened on the occasions when th e apparatu s was employed . Du Tillet's change of min d about the nature of the post-entry session of 1549 occurred in the 1560s , during the decade after Francis II died, and it seems clear that this period saw the expansion of th e term to include royal sessions that were fundamentally different from those lits de justice discussed in the anonymou s memorandum . Substanc e ha d bee n o f primar y concer n t o th e memorandum's author , but ceremony was coming to assume greater importance in determining the diction used t o characterize roya l session s o f th e Parlement.

48 [Carloix], Mémoires de la vie de François de Scepeaux, 4:150-58 (the cardinal of Lorrain e advises the king to go to the August ins "pour y tenir son lict de justice" [ibid., 150]; the king "s'assied en son lict de justice, soubs la daix là préparé" [ibid., 157]); also in Nouvelle collection des mémoires, ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, 279-80. Confused about the precise date of the session, the memorialist indicates that it occurred lat e i n Ma y {Mémoires, 4:153 , 159) . The author' s unreliabilit y an d biase s ar e discussed i n Marchand, Le Maréchal Francois de Scepeaux, esp. 6-47, who gives a detailed account of Vieilleville's career; see also Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 7:223.

49 "Nou s auon s sce u que en estats generaulx de ce Royaume qu i s e sont tenuz d u temps des Roys noz prédécesseurs, le siege ou ont este assis nosdictz prédécesseurs a este pare du parement de veloux bleu seme de fleur s d e liz / qu i a accoustume serui r e n nostr e cour t d e parlemen t quan d nou s y tenon s nostre Lict de Iustice": AN, X lA 15% , fol. 40v; cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 46 n. 77,108 n . 22 (Fr. ed. 332-3 3 n . 77, 344-45 n . 22) (whose tw o transcriptions of thi s passage differ fro m each other and vary from ours) .

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VII. CHARLES IX A N D TH E LI T DE JUSTICE

Francis II, who died on 5 December 1560 at the age of sixteen, was succeeded by his ten-year-old brothe r Charle s I X (1560-74) 1. No t unti l 17 May 1563 did th e youn g king attend a session o f th e Parlement of Paris . Exactly tw o years earlier , however , on 17 May 1561 he sent a letter to the tribunal declaring his intention to follow "hi s predecessors* good an d praiseworthy custom " and visit the court afte r hi s entry t o Paris. Delivering th e letter o n 22 May, th e royal emissar y announce d tha t the kin g hoped t o hold hi s lit de justice ("tenir son lic t de Iustice") i n the Parlement on th e first or second day after the entry, which was planned for 20 July2. It seems unlikely that the king used this term because he was intending to rais e important matters of state a t th e meeting . Rather , hi s statemen t implie s tha t th e post-entr y session s attended b y his predecessors were now considere d t o have been lits de justice. Thi s shift i n significatio n mirror s an d perhap s forecast s th e alteratio n i n Du Tillet's assessment o f Henr y IP s post-entry sessio n i n 1549. The meaning o f th e term was broadening, perhaps in part because the notion of the Parlement of Paris as the lit o f the king' s justic e ha d take n hold . Th e ide a tha t Pierr e Lize t ha d expresse d whe n Henry I I appeare d i n th e Parlement on 2 July 1549 was agai n voice d b y Gilles Bourdin, th e king' s procurato r general , o n 10 September 1562. Addressing th e members of th e tribunal assembled to dea l with judicia l busines s durin g the court' s vacation, h e emphasize d th e importanc e o f justic e a s "th e tru e source , th e tru e column, and the true establishment of every public estate." He then denounced those

1 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:137 . 2 Charles* letter said that he was sending his envoy "pour y faire preparer le parlament Et tenir prestes les

choses qui y sont nécessaires pour nostre nouuelle entree en ladicte ville Ainsi quil sest faict de bonne et louable coustume au x autres roys no z prédécesseurs. " The emissary , whom Charles designates as the lord o f Lezigny , "nostr e conseillier et maistre d'hoste l ordinaire a paris," reported tha t th e king , the queen mother , an d th e kin g o f Navarr e ha d ordere d hi m t o announc e "qu e du lendemai n d e lentree dudict seigneur qu'il esperoit estre le vingtiesme Iuillet II vouloit tenir son lict de Iustice ou le lendemain d'après Et que ladicte court n'auroit haste de desemparer le parlament que après la feste dieu [5 June]": AN, X 1A 1597 , fol. 203v; for Charles de Pierrevive, lord of Lezigny and master of the king's househol d in 1555, see Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 8:945 . Cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 152 (Fr. ed. 149) (the royal council later "dismissed the plan" ["ait ensuit e renoncé au projet"] of holding the lit de justice i n the Parlement of Paris on 20 [sic] July "an d toyed instea d with ['ait vaguemen t considéré* ] the idea of convoking a Lit de Justice assembly outside of Paris"; no source is cited). The repeated postponements of the king's entry are discussed in Graham and Johnson, The Paris Entries of Charles IX and Elisabeth of Austria, 3-5; Registres des délibérations du Bureau de la ville de Paris, 5 (1558-1567, ed . Alexandr e Tuetey):88, 96 , esp . 10 1 (announcement o f Catherine d e Medicis o n 8 September 1561 that th e entr y will take place on the Sunday after Easter , 5 April 1562).

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who, like the Protestants of Meaux, failed to respect the decrees of the king's courts, and particularly th e Parlement of Paris , "which i s the true lit o f his justice." 3

In fact, neither entry nor lit de justice occurred in July 1561. Almost a year passed before Charles IX entered Paris. Then, on 6 April 1562 he came in arms to a city torn by conflict between the Catholic duke of Guise and the Protestant prince of Condé4. The occasion was sober , an d no roya l visi t to th e Parlement ensued.

Charles IX finally sa t in the Parlement of Paris on 17 May 1563, and Jean du Tillet recorded his presence "in his seat [siege] , decked as was customary."5 The king was attended by a large group of people, including, on his right, his mother Catherine de Medicis and his brother Henry; the great chamberlain sat at his feet; cloth decorated with fleurs de lis was displayed; only the first president, however, was clothed in red, and th e deco r wa s less magnificen t tha n usual 6. There seem s n o questio n tha t th e setting, an d particularly th e restricte d (althoug h nonetheles s elaborate ) decoration , were carefull y planne d t o accor d with th e circumstance s an d purpose o f th e roya l visit.

The kin g wishe d t o secur e registratio n o f a n edic t commandin g alienatio n o f ecclesiastical propert y worth 100,000 ecus in annua l income, a step that predictably aroused oppositio n bu t tha t was justifie d b y France' s wa r agains t England. A s th e king himself said , the aid of the church was needed for its own conservation as well as for his . He apologize d for being so young an d so overwhelmed b y affairs that he had not been able to appear before the court to promote the excellent administration of justice; he announced his imminent departure for Le Havre, which the Protestants had traitorousl y delivere d t o th e Englis h th e precedin g September . The n h e introduced th e chancellor7. Unde r the circumstances somberness wa s in order, and Michel de l'Hospital stresse d the military necessit y tha t the real m confronted. The 3 Guérin , "Délibération s politiques, " 12-1 3 (AN, X 2* 924, a plumitif kept b y th e crimina l cler k o f th e

Parlement) ("le vray plant, la vraye colonne et le vray establissment de tout estât public"; "le vray lict de sa iustice").

4 Brown, Du Tillet and the French Wars of Religion, 26 -̂27 , 33, 84,93; Babelon, Paris au XVIe siècle, 70. Contamine ("Le s pair s d e France, " 338) note s the militar y characte r o f municipa l entrie s held i n th e second half o f Charle s VIFs reign .

5 "L e Roy e n so n Sieg e paré comm e d e coustume": AN , X 1A 1605 , fol . 169v; the ful l accoun t o f th e session i s found i n Le Ceremonial Francois, ed . Godefroy , 2:553-66 (designated a s a Seance). Hanley believes that the king attended the session as a result of the Parlement's pressure and "willful insistence" ("l'insistence obstinée") , the consequence o f th e court' s desir e t o "[secure ] for itsel f durin g minorit y kingship a greate r legislativ e role " ("à s'assure r u n rôl e législati f accr u pour l a duré e d e l a minorit é royale"): The Li t de Justice, 153-54 , 157 , 226 ("under duress" ) (Fr. ed. 151 , 154, 216 ["ne l e fit-i l qu e contraint e t forcé"]).

6 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy , 2:553 ; D u Tillet , Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 449-50.

7 "Messieur s lay este si Ieune Roy e t eu despuis tant d'affaires qu e le n'ay peu plustost venir Icy pour y faire mo n debuoi r / affi n d e vou s admoneste r d e bie n administre r l a Iustic e a lhonneu r d e dieu , descharge de ma conscience et soulaigement de mes subiectz. Il me faut aller pour Recouurer le havre de grace des mains de mes anciens ennemis / E t pour ce faire ay besoin du secours de leglise qui est aultant nécessaire pour la conseruation dicell e que pour la mienne / ains i qu e vous dir a plus amplement mo n chanceliier": AN , X 1A 1605 , fol . 170v ; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:554-55 . The king' s journey to Le Havre in July 1563 and the celebration of its surrender in Rouen on 29 July are described in Deux chroniques de Rouen, 301; the king visited Dieppe on 7 August before arriving in Rouen fiv e days later : ibid. , 302-3; see als o L a Fosse , Journal, 65. The surrende r o f Le Havre i s discusse d i n Chéruel, "Sièg e de Rouen," 177-78; Black, Reign of Elizabeth, 50*55.

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king, he said, had been prevented from observing the ceremonies of his predecessors; he had not yet mad e a ceremonial entr y to Paris , since his entry (in 1562) had been made in real, not counterfeit, arms . Perhaps alluding to that occasion, the chancellor continued, "This second entr y to his house o f justic e could no t b e made with suc h ceremony as those of his predecessors, but the necessity of his affairs pressed him to come."8 Restricte d pom p di d not , however , mea n diminutio n o f th e king' s powe r and authority. As First President Christophle de Thou declared, the king, "seated on the thron e o f hi s majesty , prope r an d singula r t o hi m fo r th e administratio n o f justice," was perceived as "the image, representation, and power of God." 9 And the young king achieved hi s goa l when hi s ordonnance was registered.

Would contemporarie s hav e though t th e roya l edic t endorse d i n a lit de justice} Perhaps yes (in view of the gravity of the matters discussed); perhaps no (in view of the absence of some ceremonial attributes) . The precise term does not appear in any extant accoun t o f th e session . Yet Jacques-Auguste d e Thou late r reported tha t the king wa s sittin g "i n lectistemio " - not "i n justitia e lectistemio, " t o b e sure , bu t lectisternium, eve n unmodified, ha d different connotation s fro m suc h an expression as "in sublimiori solio," which de Thou used in describing the Mercuriale of 1559l0. Whatever i t wa s called , Charle s I X wa s usin g th e solem n sessio n fo r th e sam e purpose as his brother Henry III (1574-89) would later use lits de justice. Appearin g in perso n befor e th e Parlement, the kin g obtaine d acceptanc e o f legislatio n tha t might otherwise have been the subject of long and heated debate with the Parlement.

A number of assemblie s in which the king was explicitly an d officially sai d to be holding lits de justice wer e held before th e end of Charle s IX' s reign. In 1563, 1564, and 1565 they wer e convened , extraordinarily , i n th e provincia l Parlements of Rouen, Dijon , Toulouse , an d Bordeaux. The firs t wa s held a t Rouen o n 17 August 1563. The site had special significance , sinc e onl y a year before the city had been in Protestant hands. On 1 November 1562 Charles had participated in a great proces-sion at Rouen to celebrate its emancipation. When he returned in August 1563 peace had been achieved , an d just two week s earlie r Le Havre had bee n recaptured fro m the English. The royal entr y on 12 August wa s " a grand triumph" ; fou r day s later open warfar e wa s proclaime d agains t th e English ; th e nex t da y Charle s preside d from his throne, in majesty, over the Parlement of Rouen 11. There Charle s declared

8 "Nostredict Roy et souuerain seigneur n'a eu le moyen de garder les cerimonies de ses prédécesseurs ne Représenter ce quilz ont faict . son entree a este plus tost en armes viues que fainctes / plu s tost en camp que es villes pour les troubles et seditions aduenues de son temps / Auss i ceste seconde entree en sa maison d e Iustic e n' a peu est é faicte aue c telle cerimonie qu e celles de se s prédécesseurs / mays la nécessite de ses affaires la presse venir et auancer son entree": AN, X 1A 1605, fol. 171v ; Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 2:556 .

9 ".. . i l es t impossibl e au x gen s d e cest e vostr e cour t dissimule r l a Ioy e quil z on t d e veoi r l'imaig e Representation et puissance de dieu en leur Roy et souuerain seigneur assys au throsne de sa majesté a luy propr e e t singulie r pou r l'administratio n d e s a Iustice" : AN , X 1A 1605 , fol . 174r ; also in Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:560 ; cf. Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 15 6 (see Fr. ed. 153 , where the transcription differs i n some respect s from ours) .

10 Historiarum ... Libri, 2:350; again, th e Frenc h translation {Histoire universelle, 4:539 ) renders thi s "y seant dans son li t de Justice." See 88 above.

11 Rich detai l regardin g th e occupatio n o f Roue n b y th e Protestants , th e eventua l roya l victory , an d Charles IX' s visit s i n 1562 and 1563 is foun d i n Deux chroniques de Rouen, 194-274, 303-4 ; the chronicle says (ibid. , 304) that on 17 August 1563 the king was "en son trosn e et lieu a ce prepare,"

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his majorit y befor e commandin g an d securing registration o f a n elaborated confir -mation o f th e firs t edic t o f pacificatio n issue d a t Ambois e i n Marc h 1563, which, because o f it s concession s t o th e Protestants , th e Parlement of Pari s had registere d only provisionally 12. I n successiv e lits de justice i n the othe r provincia l Parlements those court s too k simila r action . The Parlement of Pari s strongl y resiste d registe -ring th e ordonnance promulgated a t Roue n an d di d s o onl y afte r a struggle , o n 28 September 1563. Angered b y th e court' s posture , Charle s I X upbraide d a delegation fro m th e Parlement on 23 January 1564 and warne d them , i n tone s reminiscent of Francis I, not to meddle in any affairs except those he ordered them to consider13.

Charles I X himsel f cam e to si t in th e Parlement of Pari s on 1 August 1569. The session i s recorded only in the register of morning pleadings, where the clerk noted that pleadings were held on that day "and the king held his lit de justice.yjH The visi t was not noted in the register of the Conseil, perhaps because, as would happen in the days of Henr y III , the Parlement decided to disregard the royal presence. What the king did in the court on this occasion is unknown, but the clerk's designation of the session as a lit de justice may be another instance of the expanded signification of the term.

The king made a spectacular entry to Paris on 6 March 1571 in a ceremony planned to riva l an d excee d Henr y IP s splendi d celebratio n i n 1549. Six day s later , o n 12 March, h e appeare d befor e th e Parlement to lectur e th e cour t o n it s prope r advisory rol e in the legislative process . At the session the king delivered an address which wa s immediatel y printed . I t was reminiscen t o f th e one he ha d given to the Parlement's delegates on 23 January 1564. He warned the members of the court that when he made his will known he expected them to submit without dispute, since he, their king and master, knew best how to conduct his affairs, and reserved to himself the right to determine them15. The register of the Conseil contains no reference to the king's presence; having noted "Au Palais après lentree du Roy," it simply describe s

perhaps a slip for "trosne et lit." As he had after the procession of 1 November 1562, so too followin g the splendid session of the Parlement of Rouen on 17 August 1563 Charles exercised the royal touch: ibid., 270, 305.

12 Most useful for these assemblies are Holt, "King in Parlement," 518-21; and Taber, Royal Policy, 4-6, 333-44, 367-82. De Thou does not refer to the session in Rouen as a lit de justice (although , typically, the French translation of his History doe s so): Historiarum ... Libri, 2:354; Histoire universelle, 4:548. The ceremon y observe d i n Roue n influence d th e for m o f Loui s XIII' s inaugura l lit de justice: Chantilly, Musé e Condé , MS 554, fols. 349r-54r.

13 AN, X lA 1607 , fols. 315r, 320r-21r; Mémoires de Condé, ed. Secousse, 5:42-43. On 27 August 1563, in a lette r t o Guy Chabot , baron o f Jarnac , Loui s Lansa c de Saint-Gelais, chevalier d'honneur of th e queen, wrote tha t he had been sent to Paris to oversee publication o f the declaration o f majority : see t ie catalogu e o f 16 December 1987, "Autographes & Documents Historiques," of Ader Picard Tajan, item 18. De Thou treats Lansac's role, in Historiarum ... Libri, 2:356 (Histoire universelle, 4:553) . See also Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 184, 18 6 (Fr. ed . 182, 184) ; Bourgeon, "L a Fronde parlementaire," 27-29.

14 "Cedict lou r a este plaide. E t tint le Roy so n Lict de Iustice": AN, X IA 5023 , fol. 254r. There i s no entry for the same day in the register of th e Conseil, AN, X 1A 1626 .

15 Charles IX , La Harangve qve feit le Roy, [4]r-{5]r ; de Thou, Historiarum ... Libri, 3:61 (Histoire universelle, 6:270-71) . The introduction s t o Graha m an d Johnson, Paris Entries, an d Yates ' ed . o f Bouquet's work giv e comprehensive account s of th e festivities a t the entries of Charle s and his bride Elizabeth o f Austria ; see also Babelon , Paris au XVIe siècle, 71-74.

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the business tha t was conducted later . The register of mornin g pleadings state s that cases were heard, "Le Roy seant en son parlement."16 The title of the printed version of the king's speech declared that the address had been presented in the royal palace (where the chambers of the Parlement were located) from the royal siege17. Jacques-Auguste d e Thou, a privileged witness , describe d th e king as sitting "i n lectistemi o suo"; again, he did not add the modifier "justitiae, " yet he may have considered the occasion a lit de justice18. When the speech was republished three years later, the king was said unambiguously to have given it "tenant son Siege Royal, & lict de Iustice."I9

The testimon y o f Jacques-Auguste d e Thou show s plainl y tha t Charle s I X attended th e Parlement on 26 August 1572 to announc e tha t th e massacre o f Sain t Bartholomew's Da y ha d take n plac e o n hi s orders , t o punis h th e Huguenots . De Thou referre d t o thi s a s a lit de justice ("i n justitia e lectistemi o sedens") 20, an d although th e registe r o f th e Conseil contains n o entr y fo r th e day , th e registe r o f pleadings record s tha t "thi s da y th e kin g entere d hi s cour t an d hel d hi s lit de justice."21

In the next decade the term lit de justice would be applied to assemblies held for a variety of purposes, from the purely and even frivolously ceremonia l to an assembly of Parisia n official s a t which th e kin g force d acceptanc e o f a n unpopular measure . On 7 August 1573 the kin g an d quee n informe d delegate s fro m th e cour t o f thei r plans to accord an honorable reception to the Polish ambassadors who were offerin g Poland's crown to Charles IX's brother Henry, t o make an entry with them on th e next day, and on the day after to bring the ambassadors to the Parlement, hold a lit de justice, introduc e th e ambassadors, an d confirm th e alliance; the king and queen then wanted th e lawyer s t o argu e "som e exemplar y case " in Latin 22. O n 28 April 1576 in th e Sall e Saint-Loui s o f th e palac e Charle s IX' s successo r Henr y II I

16 AN, X 1A 1631 , fols. 388r-89v; X 1A 5031 , fol. 342r. 17 Charles IX, La Harangve qvefeit le Roy ...en son Palais a Paris, estant lors en son siege Royal. 18 Historiarum ... Libri, 3:61 ("in lectistemi o su a sedens, " again rendere d a s "li t de Justice" in idem ,

Histoire universelle, 6:269) . 19 Charles IX, Harangve dv Roy Charles IX ..., tenant son Siege Royal, & lia de Iustice. 20 Historiarum ... Libri, 3:140; idem, Histoire universelle, 6:418-1 9 ("pou r y teni r son Lit de Justice");

similar terminology i s found i n Sully's Mémoires, 1:52-53 . 21 "C e lour le Roy es t entre en sa court & a tenu son Lic t de Iustice n a cedict lou r este passe aullcu n

appoinctement": AN , X 1A 5039 , fol . 219v; cf. AN, X 1A 163 7 (which contain s n o entrie s betwee n 16 and 27 August 1572). Bourgeon ("L a Fronde parlementaire," 23, 84-85) does not cite the evidence i n AN, X 1A 5039 , in his discussion o f th e aftermath o f Sain t Bartholomew's Day .

22 "L e Roy et La Royne les appellerent et leurs dirent quilz auoien t délibère Receuoir honnorablemen t les ambassadeur s d e pouloigne dans l e palai s qu i apportoien t l a couronn e a u Ro y leu r frer e l e lendemain faire faire son entree / e t le lendemain dapres venir au parlement tenir son Lict de Iustice, & y fair e entrer les poulonnoys entr e lesquelz i l y auoi t vng euesque excellent personnage Ou i l vouloi t quilz eussen t lieu honnorable pou r leur faire Iurer lalliance / e t ce faict qui l fust plaide quelque bell e cause par ses aduocatz en latin": AN, X lA 1640 , fol. 218v (8 August 1573, report of a delegation to the king on the preceding day) ; Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, 1:31 5 n . 2 ; Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 211 n . 7 (Fr. ed . 369 n . 7). Boutaric discusses th e use of Latin in the Parlement, i n Actes du Parlement de Paris, l:xxiv-xxv . D e Thou commente d tha t al l th e ambassador s kne w Latin , man y Italian an d German , an d tha t som e spok e virtuall y perfec t French : Historiarum ... Libri, 3:280 (Histoire universelle, 6:698-99) . Yates describe s th e ceremonie s t o welcom e th e ambassadors , i n French Academies of the Sixteenth Century, 257-58, and The Valois Tapestries, 67-72; see als o Du Chesne, Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys de France, 528-29.

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(1574-89) held a ceremonious assembl y o f official s o f Paris , which wa s attended b y various roya l officer s includin g th e president s o f th e Parlement of Paris . Afte r demanding a loan fro m Paris , the king refused t o permi t a n assembly o f the citizen s of Paris at the Hôtel de ville and exacted immediate compliance. Thus the money was collected a t the Louvre by presidents of the king's sovereign courts, acting by specia l royal commission, and not a t the town hal l by the city's officials. The account o f th e assembly i n th e city' s registe r describe s th e kin g a s "sean t en son lic t de justice," perhaps becaus e o f th e ceremon y observed , wit h Henr y seate d o n a dai s unde r a canopy23. Th e natur e o f th e busines s tha t wa s transacted , wit h th e kin g usin g th e force o f hi s presence to compel obedience , inevitably recalle d the similar tactics tha t were coming to be considered customar y whe n th e king held hi s lit de justice i n th e Parlement. As these examples show, even before the reign of Louis XIII, the term lit de justice wa s being applie d fa r more commonly an d being used much more loosel y than ha d bee n tru e twenty-fiv e year s earlier .

Despite the distasteful use s to which the lit de justice wa s sometimes being put, th e Parlement of Pari s stil l too k prid e i n being , metaphorically , th e lit o f th e king' s justice. On 2 March 1571, four day s befor e th e gran d entr y o f Charle s IX , François Seguier, firs t presiden t o f th e court , unsuccessfull y argue d tha t sinc e th e court' s members shoul d b e precede d onl y b y th e chancellor , wh o woul d no t b e present , René d e Birague, who m th e kin g ha d entruste d wit h th e seals , shoul d no t marc h before th e Parlement24. In hi s plea, asserting tha t the Parlement was "th e oldes t an d premier cour t o f the kingdom i n Paris since the time of Loui s X [1314-16]," Seguier called th e cour t "L a Iustic e elict e Aultrement nommé e lict de vostre Iustice" ; th e king himself was its head25. The lit de justice thu s retained vestiges of it s prestige and mystique, a s i t continue d t o d o unti l 1789. On th e ev e o f th e Revolution , eve n Le Paige an d hi s edito r believe d tha t th e occasio n migh t b e restore d "t o it s wis e primitive institution, " "t o th e essenc e o f it s nature." 26 Bu t th e session s a t whic h

23 Registres des délibérations du Bureau de la ville de Paris, 7 (1572-76, ed. François Bonnardot): 375-76, no. DCCXXXIII . See 16 n . 2 1 above, fo r th e king' s visi t t o th e Parlement on 30 April 1576 in connection with hi s campaign to raise funds .

24 Hanley discusses a similar dispute that occurred in 1632, in The Lit de Justice, 289 (Fr. ed. 267-68). On Birague, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 6:492 .

25 "Sire vostr e cour t de parlemen t a paris est la plus ancienne e t premiere cour t de vostre Royaulm e Establie a paris des le temps du roy lois hutin Est la court des pers de france L a court des droicts de Regale L a court du domaine de vostre couronne L a Iustice elicte Aultrement nommé e lic t de vostre Iustice En ceste court nul ne parle nul ne commande que vous seul / E n la preuoste de paris le preuost de paris parle En la chambre des compte s le s gens de s comptes parlent E n ceste cour t Charle s par la grace de die u Ro y d e franc e seu l comm e l e chancelie r d e franc e quiconqu e soi t Es t l e premie r du Parlement mai s I I nen es t le che f Vous sire estes l e che f du parlement qu i es t le corps"; Seguier later commented on "la dignité et honneur du parlement ou bien de vous sire qui en estes le chef": AN, X tA

1631, fol. 374r-v ; a number of variant readings are found in Godefroy, Histoire des Connestables, 2nd section ("Chanceliers e t Gardes des Seaux de France"), 119-21 , at 119; cf. Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony, 116, esp. n. 71 (citing Le Nain's extracts from the registers of th e Conseil, in AN , U 2061, fol . 291) . We thank Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r verifyin g our transcription . Charle s VII I ha d promoted th e ide a o f th e kin g a s head o f th e Parlement in hi s ordonnance of Apri l 1485 concerning the Parlement of Burgundy: 44 n. 54 above.

26 L e Paige, Lettre, 8 , 13 , 35.

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Francis I, Henry II, and Charles IX berated the court and bent it to their will set the stage fo r th e lits de justice o f th e 1580 s a t whic h Henr y II I repeatedl y compelle d registration o f objectionabl e edicts . I n vie w o f th e affron t t o th e consultative functions prize d b y th e Parlement of Paris , i t i s understandabl e tha t suc h session s were given short shrift or were disregarded in the court's own records 27 - a practice that seems to have begun under Charles IX .

27 Holt, "King in Parlement," 521-23.

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VIII. J E A N D U TILLE T A N D TH E LI T D E JUSTIC E

Because o f th e significanc e wit h whic h th e ter m wa s investe d an d th e rang e o f realities that it represented, the lit de justice attracted considerable scholarly attention from the end of the sixteenth century. Those who considered it turned to the works of Jean d u Tillet, th e greffier civil o f th e Parlement of Paris . He ha d recorde d th e sessions whe n th e king s visite d th e cour t betwee n 1530 and 1570, had compiled a catalogue o f precedenc e fo r Henr y I I i n 1549 and later , fo r Charle s IX , a n entire Recueil dealing with protocol, an d had very likely compose d th e memorandum o n royal session s o f th e Parlement that th e Godefroy s lon g ag o attribute d t o him . Although he became a seasoned expert on forms and precedence, Du Tillet recogniz-ed thei r complexitie s and , a s hi s notation s o n th e roya l presentatio n cop y o f th e Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands testify1, wrestled with them until his death. He wa s a passionat e collecto r o f data , mor e a t eas e whe n displayin g hi s vas t knowledge o f pas t event s tha n when analyzin g o r deducing principles fro m them . His work s provide d n o eas y solutio n t o th e question s pose d b y scholar s i n th e seventeenth an d eighteent h centuries ; the y demonstrate , however , th e car e an d circumspection wit h which h e approached an d utilized his sources 2.

If Du Tillet indeed composed th e anonymous memorandum on royal session s o f the Parlement of Paris that the Godefroys assigned to him, he did provide a sketchy analysis of the lit de justice y most likely in 1549. But on this as on other subjects, his ideas evolved and changed. What his final word on the lit de justice might have been we do not know; he did not live to write his projected Recueil on the government of France where he might well have presented a full discussion of the institution. In his masterworks, th e fou r narrativ e Recueils composed fo r Henr y I I an d Charle s I X between 1553/55 and 1567 3, he focused directl y on the lit de justice only i n treating issues of precedence. His last Recueil, dealing with the honors and ranks of the great,

1 BN, fr . 5784, annotated throughout i n Du Tillet's strong, distinctive hand. 2 Giesey has suggested that Du Tillet fabricated part of his account of the death and funeral of Francis I.

However, the portions relating to the king's illness and death whose authenticity Giesey questions were in fact taken from the funeral sermo n delivered a t Notre-Dame on 23 May 1547 by Pierr e du Chastel, bishop o f Mâcon and grand aumônier of France : The Royal Funeral Ceremony, 193-95 (Fr. trans . 291-95); see Le Trespas, Ohseqves, & enterrement, 33-67 , esp. 59-67; cf. Du Tillet's account, in BN, fr. 17294, fols. 371r-94r; Brown gives additional information, in Du Tillet and his Recueils. On the other hand, Du Tillet too k considerabl e libertie s wit h an d (whethe r knowingl y o r not ) misrepresente d th e date o f th e lon g coronatio n ordo fro m a register o f th e Chambre de s compte s that h e published i n translation i n hi s secon d recensio n o f hi s Recueil des Roys: Brown , "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians", 63-80, 87 .

3 See 16-17 n. 22 above.

contains a discussion o f th e protocol o f lits de justice an d excerpts from record s o f sessions t o whic h th e term wa s applied 4. I n his othe r writings , a s he considere d a variety o f questions , h e simpl y use d th e phras e lit de justice i n describin g som e assemblies tha t h e mentioned . H e dre w u p n o exhaustiv e catalogu e o f suc h ses -sions, an d his failur e t o invok e th e phrase lit de justice i n referring t o an y particu-lar sessio n doe s no t prov e tha t i t wa s no t s o considere d an d designate d b y contemporaries. Althoug h h e was doubtles s familia r wit h (an d may eve n have ha d a han d i n preparing ) th e remonstranc e o f 1547 that credite d Charlemagn e wit h presiding over lits de justice. Du Tillet neve r attribute d a Carolingian origi n t o th e lit de justice, muc h les s (a s Bernar d de la Roch e Flavi n did ) associat e th e institu -tion with Priam 5.

The assemblie s i n connectio n wit h whic h Du Tillet use d th e ter m lit de justice were hel d i n 1369, 1375 , 1378 , 1387 , 1392 , 1396 , 1407 , 1413 , 1458 , 1527 , 1537 , and 1549 6. I n th e cas e o f al l excep t th e session s o f 1369, 1375 , 1378 , 1458 , and 1549, the source s full y justifie d hi s position , sinc e i n ever y instanc e the y referre d to the presence o f th e lit de justice eve n i f the y di d no t explicid y sa y tha t the kin g was "holding " th e lit de justice. Th e evidenc e fo r th e assemblie s o f 1375, 1378 , 1458, and 1549 has bee n considere d i n som e detai l above . I n thes e case s i t seem s possible tha t th e solem n an d extraordinar y attendance , th e ceremon y observe d a t the sessions , an d th e seriousnes s o f th e business , a s well a s the appearanc e o f th e phrases "holdin g hi s justice " (i n 1375) and "sittin g i n hi s roya l majest y i n th e

4 Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 33 8 (when the king holds his lit de justice, ecclesiastic s sit on his left and his councilors, "soient-ils prélats," at his right); and 344 (the ecclesiastical peers preceded the archbishop o f Rouen on 7 July 1498, "ores que ce ne fust lic t de iustice").

5 La Roche Flavin , Les treze livres des Parlemens, 285; for Charlemagne , se e 76-77 above. 6 Many o f Du Tillet's reference s ar e cite d i n th e table s i n Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 353-54 (Fr. ed .

411-12), and eadem , "Constitutiona l Discourse,* * 167-68. For 1458, see 78-80 above. Not e too , i n a letter o f 6 July 1547 that accompanie d th e trac t o n peer s whic h Du Tillet prepare d fo r Henr i II , a reference to the assembly of July 1527 as the king "tenant son Lict de Iustice" : Le Ceremonial Francois, ed. Godefroy , 1: 294. Further, i n a letter tha t h e wrot e t o Catherin e de Medicis o n 23 March 1567 regarding Charle s L'Angelier' s sal e o f unauthorize d printe d copie s o f th e addres s whic h th e roya l lawyer Jacques Cappel delivered at Francis I's special session of the Parlement on 15 January 1537, Du Tillet said that on that date the king "tint son lîct de Justice": BN, fr . 20466, fol. 8r. See also Du Tillet's memorandum of 1548/49, BN, fr . 17294, fol. 29r (1407, Charles VI's issuance of the ordonnance on the majority in 1407, "y tenant son lict de Justice"); fol. 30r (1527 and 1537, "du lia d e Justice tenu par le Roy"). See 99-100 below, for his designation of the assembly of 9 May 1369 as a lit de justice ("tint so n lict de Iustice") in his Recueil des Angloys o f 1557/58. The first of Du Tillet's two tracts on the majority, written i n 1560, refers t o lus de justice o f 21 May 1375 (Charles V' s majorit y ordonnance) and o f December 1407 (Charles VI's ordonnance); the secon d refer s t o on e i n Decembe r 1392 (Charles VT's confirmation o f Charle s V's ordonnance on th e majority) ; Du Tillet consistently employ s th e phrase "tenant so n lic t de Iustice": Pour la Maiorite, [11], [13] ; idem, Pour l'entière maiorite, dv- d 2r ; i n Dupuy, Traité de la Maiorité, 313-47 , at 321-22, 341. In the treatise on the punishment of rebels that he wrote durin g th e secon d religiou s wa r (1567/68) D u TlUet refer s t o Charle s V' s lit de justice o f 9 December 1378 (for the trial of Jean of Montfort, duke of Brittany) and to Charles VI's lit de justice of 2 March 1387 (for the posthumous tria l of Charles , king of Navarre); again Du Tillet says that the king "tint so n lic t de Justice": BN , Dupu y 240, fols . 87r-94r, a t 91r-v. Hi s trac t on th e peac e ending th e second religious war mentions the lits de justice of 26 and 27 May and 5 September 1413 (promulgation and cancellation of the Ordonnance Cabochienne); again he uses the phrase "tenant son lict de Justice": BN, Dupu y 240, fols . 57r-74r, a t 62v. These tract s ar e published i n Brown, Du Tillet and the French Wars of Religion; se e esp. ibid. 127-28, 149.

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manner customary whe n h e sit s for justice" (in 1378), persuaded Du Tillet that the designation lit de justice coul d legitimatel y b e connected wit h them 7.

As to the assemblies of 9 and 11 May 1369 (at which Charles V determined to wage war agains t th e English) , Du Tillet's treatmen t o f th e tw o session s witnesse s th e judiciousness wit h whic h h e use d hi s source s an d hi s willingnes s t o rethin k an d recast his ideas. It bears emphasizing that in only two of his early works did he refer to these sessions a s lits de justice, an d that, apparendy becomin g increasingly wary , he did not s o designate them in his final tw o works .

Du Tillet first dealt with the assemblies in the Recueil des Roys that he prepared for Henry I I between 1553 and 1555. He feature d the m in his chapter on the preroga-tives of queens. His proposition was that the kings of France, "occupying their royal thrones o r lits de justice, hav e ha d th e queens , thei r wives , seate d a t thei r right. " "Thus," he continued, "King Charles V did for Queen Jeanne of Bourbon, his wife, in the assembly o f th e three estates which he convened, holding the lit de justice i n the chambe r o f hi s Parlement at Pari s o n 9 and 11 May 1369." Having briefl y described th e meetings , Du Tillet invoke d th e Bibl e t o legitimiz e th e practice , declaring, "Hol y Scriptur e recounts tha t Kin g Solomon , sittin g o n hi s throne , ha d another throne placed nex t to him for Queen Bethsabee hi s mother, where she was seated a t his right. " Before proceedin g t o th e topic o f femal e peers h e commente d that "the mother of th e king regnant is preceded b y the queen regnant." 8

Du Tillet took the same approach to the assemblies in his second work for Henry II, th e Recueil des Angloys9, complete d i n 1557/58. Here h e wa s a bi t mor e circumspect, an d he used the term lit de justice onl y i n connection with the first o f the sessions. Of the meeting on 9 May 1369 Du Tillet said that Charles V "held his lit de justice, wit h the queen sitting on his right, the Estates assembled , in the chamber of th e sai d Parlement." D u Tillet proceede d t o discus s th e busines s tha t wa s

7 In the list of sources included in the inventory following the chapter on regencies in his Recueil des Roys for Henry II , Du Tillet includes a long description of "trois lettres de l'ordonnance . . . pou r la maiorite des Roys de France" (the majority ordonnance of 1375); see 24-25 above. He comments that "ladicte ordonnance fu t publié e en parlement, l e Roy y seant , e t tenant son lic t de Iustice" and notes that the original letter wa s i n th e Trésor de s chartes , and tha t a cop y seale d with th e grea t sea l ha d bee n deposited at Saint-Denis. "[A]fin de mémoire perpétuel," he remarked, the ordonnance was recorded in the Parlement' s registe r o f "anciennes ordonnances. " See Du Tillet, Recveil des Roys (1607 and 1618 editions), 283-84.

8 "Le s autres Roys, tenans leur trosne Royal, ou Lict de Iustice ont faict seoir les Roynes: leurs femmes, Ioignant eulx a leur dextre: Ainsi feyt le Roy Charles le quint a la Royne lane de Bourbon, sa femme, en lassemblee des trois estatz. quil feyt, tenant le Lict de Iustice en la chambre de son parlement a paris les neuf & vnziesm e may, mil troi s cen s soixant e neuf , E n laquelle assemblé e fu t l a guerr e délibérée & declairee contr e le s angloys , pou r défére r e t Receuoir , le s appellation s de s baron s d'Aquitaine , Interiectees d u prince de Gales audict Roy e t son parlement . L e scripture saincte (3 des Roys chap. 2. [3 Kings 2.19]) compt e qu e l e Roy Salomon , Seant su r so n trosne , fey t apporte r vn g autr e trosn e Ioignant le sien, a la Royne Bersabee, sa mere, ouquel elle fut sise a sa dextre, La mere du Roy Regnant est précédée pa r la Royne Régnante . Ains i qui l ser a diet ou chappitr e des pers de france , le s femmes , tenans perrye, doyuent estre appellees, ont siege et oppinion au lugement des pers, ou perries. Se trouue en larres t d u cont e d e Clermont en beauuoisis , adlug e a u Roy Sainc t Loys , pa r la court des pers . l a contesse de flandres estre nommée entre les pers presens": BN, fr. 2854, fol. 136r-v ; BN, fr . 18653 , fol. 64r-v; SP, Fr. F. v. IV, no. 8/1 , fol. 124v .

9 This work i s not cited in Hanley's discussion of Du Tillet's treatment of the lit de justice: cf. The Lit de Justice, 276 n. 63, 353 (Fr. ed. 386 n. 63, 411).

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transacted. A Us t o f Englis h demand s wa s read ; the n "advic e an d counse l o n th e English question " were solicited . O n 11 May "i n th e sam e place , befor e th e sam e audience, was made and read the reply to th e said bill , which was approved b y th e said Estates, with war decreed against the English, in which al l offered t o serve the said King Charles with their bodies and property."10 Du Tillet's source , the register of the Parlement, provided no justification fo r his statement that on 9 May 1369 the king held his lit de justice (or indeed that "the Estates" were assembled)11. Perhaps at this point h e wa s simpl y careless , a s he wa s whe n h e wrote hi s passage o n queen s in th e Recueil des Roys fo r Henr y II . The ter m lit de justice ma y hav e sprun g t o his mind because of the extraordinary attendance and ceremony, as well as the busi-ness tha t wa s treated , whic h ha d strikin g similaritie s t o th e session s o f 16 and 20 December 1527 when th e king held his lit de justice t o discuss th e abrogation o f the Treaty o f Madrid . Note , however , tha t the chronicle r o f Saint-Deni s recorde d statements o f Charle s V that emphasized th e importanc e t o th e kin g o f th e justic e that h e wa s defendin g an d renderin g i n th e sessions 12. I f Du Tillet kne w thi s chronicle, the words attributed to the king may have led him to use the phrase lit de justice i n describing th e session , howeve r muc h disdain h e elsewher e expresse d fo r chronicles13.

Du Tillet treated the assemblies o f 1369 quite differently whe n he discussed them with the many other s whose attendanc e he recorded in the Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, his final work, complete d ca. 1567 . In dealin g wit h 1369 in tha t Recueil, he simpl y quote d th e registe r o f th e Parlement, which say s tha t th e kin g "tint sa court en parlement" and lists those who were present14. He did not mention the lit de justice.

Du Tillet had become more restrained. His chang e of mind evidently occurred as he revised his Recueil des Roys for presentation to Charles IX in 1566. In this second recension h e substantiall y modifie d th e chapte r o n th e queens ' authorit y an d prerogatives. There he began, as before, b y stating that "the other kings, occupyin g their royal throne or lit de justice, have had the queens, their mothers or wives, seated in their Parlements next t o the m o n thei r right. " In this initia l statemen t Du Tillet made tw o modifications . H e adde d tha t th e thron e o r lit de justice wa s i n th e Parlement, and, in deference t o Catherin e de Medicis, joined "mothers " to "wives" (as, late r i n th e passage , h e adde d tha t whe n Charle s I X attende d th e Parlement,

10 ".. . ledict Ro y tin t so n lic t de Iustice sean t l a Royne a son cousté droict, les estatz assemblez en la chambre dudict parlement"; "demande r aduis & consei l su r le faic t dangleterre" ; "e n mesm e lie u & assistance fut faicte & leue la Response a ladicte bulle & approuuée par lesdictz estatz, guerre décrétée contre le s angloy s a laquelle tou s soffriren t serui r ledic t Ro y charle s d e corp s & de biens" : BN , fr . 2856, fols. 8v-9; SP, Fr. F. v. IV, no. 8/2, fols. 147v-48 ; Recueil des Angloys, 281-82 . Du Tillet follows the accoun t in the register of th e Parlement, quoted in Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 4:143 n. 2.

11 Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 4:138-39, 14 2 n. 2; cf. Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 24 (Fr. ed. 32) ("which functioned a s a meeting of Estates"; "qui tint lieu d'une réunion des Etats"), 276 n. 62 (Fr. ed. 386 n . 62 ) ("This session amounted t o an Estates General convened in Parlement" ; "L'assemblé e e n question équivalai t à des Etats généraux convoqués a u sein du Parlement").

12 See 23 above. 13 D u Tillet , Pour l'entière maiorite, d[12] v (Dupuy , Traité de la Maiorité, 340-41) ; see als o th e

dedication to the Recueil des Roys for Charles IX. Despite his hesitations, Du Tillet occasionally relie d on suc h sources: see, e.g., Recveil des Roys, 253, 278.

14 D u Tillet, Recveil des Roys, 386-88; Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 4:137n. 1.

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Catherine was seated at his right, and stated that queen mothers who were queens of France - as Catherine was - took precedence ove r queens regnant) . Next , a s in the Recueil for Henry II , he referred t o the assemblies of 1369, but in this recension he omitted his assertion that the king held his lit de justice on 9 and 11 May, thus failing to specif y th e nature of th e assemblies . Aside from th e changes made out of regard for Catherin e de Medicis, th e remainde r o f th e passage i s unchanged unti l it s end. Following hi s reference to the privileges of femal e peers, Du Tillet commented tha t "the said queens, having much more ['trop plus'] eminent dignity, can well attend the kings holding their lit de justice, a s happens for judgments of peers and peerages."15

In his chapter on queens Du Tillet was not dealing directly with the lit de justice, but the changes he made in his second recension show that his ideas on the subject had altere d sinc e th e 1550s . I n connectio n wit h neithe r Jeann e o f Bourbo n no r Charles I X (o r Solomon ) di d Du Tillet mentio n th e institution . Thus , althoug h correctly assertin g tha t queen s ha d attended session s o f th e Parlement when king s "held their royal throne or lit de justice," he provides no example of a session that he explicitly associate s wit h th e lit de justice. Thu s th e sam e cautio n tha t h e woul d demonstrate in the Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands informs his approach to the lit de justice in the Recueil des Roys of 156616. As he grew older and pondered the sources wit h whic h h e had long bee n familiar , hi s respec t fo r textua l nuance s an d terminological nicetie s evidently deepened .

How Du Tillet would have defined the lit de justice a t the end of his career we do not know . Hi s treatmen t o f th e assemblie s o f 1369 suggests tha t h e woul d hav e approached the topic with caution. He thought of the lit de justice as a session with distinctive protocol17; his equation of lit de justice and "royal throne" shows that he was fully cognizan t o f th e range of significatio n tha t the phrase possessed18. Bu t in neither his grand Recueil des Roys nor in his Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands did he discuss the institution, much less propound a theory regarding its genesis and constitutional significance .

15 "Le s autres Roys tenans leur trosne Royal ou Lict de Iustice ont faict seoir les Roynes leurs meres ou femmes en leurs parlemens Ioignant eulx a leur dextre Ains i fey t l e Roy Charle s le quint a la Royne lane de Bourbon sa femme en las semblée des troys estatz, quil tint en la chambre de sondict parlement a paris les .ix* . et .xj . may .M.iuMxix. En laquelle assemblée fut la guerre délibérée et declairee contre les Angloys pour déférer et Receuoir les appellations des barons d'Aquitaine Interiectee s du prince de Gales audic t Roy e t son parlement / Ledict Roy Charles ixe. en ses parlemens esquelx II a esté, a este assisté a sa dextre de la Royne sa mere / Lescriptur e saincte porte qu e le Roy Salomo n seant sur son trosne feyt apporter vng autre trosne Ioignant le syen a la Royne Bersabee sa mere, ouquel elle fut size a sa dextre / L a mere du Roy Regnant si elle n'est Royne de france es t précédée par la Royne Puys que les femmes tenans pairries de france doyuent estre appellees / ont siege et opinion es lugemens de s pairs et pairries / Et se trouue en l'arrest du conté de Clermont en beauuoysis adlugé au Roy Sainct Loys par la court des pairs la contesse d e flandres estr e nommée entre les pairs presens Lesdictes Roynes ayons trop plus eminente dignité peuuent bien assister les Roys tenans leur Lict de Iustice comme II ce faict esdictz lugemens des pairs et pairries": BN , fr . 2848 , fol . 158v ; SP , Fr . F . v . IV, no. 9 , fol . 157r-v ; italicized word s wer e adde d o r change d fro m th e firs t recension . Se e Du Tillet, Recveil des Roys, \7f*-77\ followed by Du Chesne, Les Antiqvitez et Recherches de la Grandeur et Maiesté des Roys de France, 581. Wood gives background regarding the judgment of 1258 by which Louis IX obtained the county o f Clermont , i n The French Apanages, 37-40.

16 Cf . Hanley, The Lit de Justice, 346 (Fr. ed. 404); Dupuy, Traité de la Maiorité, 570 . 17 See n. 4 above. 18 See, e.g., nn . 8 and 15 above.

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IX. C O N C L U S I O N

Would Du Tillet have been more successful tha n later commentators in presenting a coherent analysi s o f th e lit de justice}1 Perhaps . H e kne w th e source s remarkabl y well, an d he was abl e to consul t record s that have since disappeared. Bu t he woul d have ha d t o exercis e extrem e care . The proble m o f adequatel y definin g th e lit de justice stems , a s i t alway s has , fro m th e fac t tha t th e significanc e o f th e phras e changed over time and was often multivalent. It first designated ceremonial trappings that had existe d befor e a term t o describ e the m wa s coined; the n i t was applie d t o royal visits to the Parlement when the trappings were employed, and particularly t o occasions when the king's function as chief representative of justice in the realm was most apparent . B y 1485 the fac t tha t suc h session s wer e hel d i n th e Parlement of Paris had becom e on e o f th e court's importan t attributes . I n th e lat e fifteent h an d early sixteenth century some people used the term broadly , some narrowly . Befor e and after it was invented, kings visited their highest court to observe, consult, preside at and participate in pleadings, and also to command, harangue , and coerce, as they likewise did from afar through epistle s and emissaries. During the reign of Francis I the ceremonia l function s associate d wit h roya l visit s t o th e Parlement were, afte r modest beginnings , significantl y elevate d t o emphasiz e th e king' s majest y i n th e wake o f hi s captivit y an d the Parlement' s effort s t o asser t it s initiative . The court' s registers bega n t o describ e th e pom p an d ceremon y i n unprecedente d detail ; th e ritual may itself hav e become mor e elaborate . The natur e of the business transacte d at the sessions led the author of the anonymous memorandum (who we believe was Jean du Tillet) to declare that the lit de justice, prominently featured in the records of the Parlement after 1527, was a session concerned with business involving the estate

1 Pierre Dupuy confronted serious difficulties i n the pages dedicated to the lit de justice in his treatise on the Parlement of Paris : Traité de la Maiorité, 369-71 ; see Hanley , The Li t de Justice, 270-72 (Fr. ed . 253-55). In the treatise Dupuy sai d that kings had held lits de justice i n recent times "pour publier des Edits pour l a pluspar t burseaux, " bu t tha t earlie r practic e ha d differed . Th e onl y lits de justice tha t Dupuy connect s wit h th e fou r king s befor e Franci s I who m h e mention s (Charle s V , Charle s VI , Charles VII , an d Charle s VIII ) ar e thos e hel d "contre l e Prince de Galles " (1369) ; against Jea n o f Montfort, duk e o f Brittan y (1378); against Charles , kin g o f Navarr e (1387); against Jean , duk e o f Alençon (1458); and against the dukes of Orléans and Brittany (1487) - thus omitting the assemblies of 1375, 1392 , and 1407 (cf. his work on the royal majority , ibid. , 160 and 212, for th e designation of th e sessions of 1375 and 1407 as occasions when the king held his lit de justice); Hanley , The Lit de Justice, 32-35, 43; cf. 346 , column O (Fr . ed. 37-39,42, 404, column O). Of Henr y III Dupuy sai d "l'on ne Ta point veû au Parlement, que pour y faire verifier des Edits, qui alloit à la foule du peuple; ce qui a esté suiuy e n ces derniers temps": Dupuy, Traité de la Maiorité, 570 ; Holt, "Kin g in Parlement," 508-15. This section of Dupuy' s treatis e o n th e Parlement ends wit h a discussio n o f th e objection s o f th e Parlement of Pari s to Charle s IX's lit de justice i n Rouen in 1563.

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of the king. But after the mid-sixteenth centur y the term's significance expande d t o include session s tha t earlie r i n th e centur y wer e considere d distinc t an d different , such a s visit s followin g th e king' s solem n entr y t o Paris . A t th e sam e tim e roya l sessions were increasingly used to force on the Parlement legislation that the tribunal opposed.

Under thes e circumstances , i t i s littl e wonder tha t the pages o n th e lit de justice which Bernard de la Roche Flavin wrote in the early-seventeenth centur y were not models o f clarity . Althoug h h e preferre d t o analyz e th e nam e an d describ e th e apparatus, he did offer a definition of the lit de justice as an occasion "when the kings [honor] with their presence the audience halls of the Parlements, and when one sees that Rex & Lex repose under the cover of this hall, and one sees them together in this lit de justice o r throne of their majesty, and when one sees the kings with their staff, their main de justice, their royal scepter, attend the sessions to hear lawyers plead and contend an d grant judgment o f victory." 2 This definition i s exceedingly vague . The examples cited, largely drawn from Du Tillet's works, do not elucidate the question, since L a Roche Flavi n include s session s whe n th e kin g wa s "au Conseil" and "au plaidoyé," as wel l a s "tenan t so n li t de Iustice."3 I t i s no t surprisin g tha t late r

2 "Leque l Siege, Tribunal, ou Throsne Royal , lict , ou ly s d e justice est , quand le s Roys honnoran s les salles de s Audiance s de s Parlemen s d e leu r presence: & quand o n void que Rex, & Lex, se reposen t soubs le couuert de ceste sale , & qu'on les void ensemblement en ce lict de justice, au Throsne de leurs Majestés: & quand on void nos Roys auec leur caducée, leur main de justice, leur sceptre Royal, assister es Audiances , ouy r le s Aduocat s plaider , & voi r fair e arme s a u barreau , & donne r iugemen t d e l a victoire": La Roche Flavin, Treze livres des Parlemens, 284. The statement appears in the first chapte r ("Dv Lic t o v Lys d e Ivstice, Sieg e o v Thron e Royal" ) o f th e thir d boo k o f hi s work , devote d t o "Avdiances des Parlements." See also ibid., 283, 384-85, 386. The definition given by Favyn in 1620 (Le Theatre d'Honnevr, 1:292) is more straightforward an d lays chief emphasis on decor: "Novs appelions Lict de Ivstice, quand nos Rois viennent en personne en la Chambre Dorée de la Cour de Parlement à Paris pou r le s grande s affaire s d u Royaume . C'es t lor s qu e ladit e Chambr e es t paré e d e riches Tapisseries de Veloux violet semées plus plein que vuide, de Fleurs de Lys d'Or en riche broderie, & le grand Daiz de mesme sur le Throsne Royal , garny de riches oreillers d'vne mesme parure, pour asseoir & soustenir les pieds de sa Maiesté, assistée des Princes de son Sang, de son Parlement en robbes rouges, Pairs, & Officiers de sa Coronne." Later (ibid., 1:293), like Du Tillet, Favyn equates the "Lict de Iustice ordinaire" with th e king' s thron e an d say s tha t i t i s "le Parlement d e Paris, appelle par excellence l a Cour des Pairs, & le Parlement de France." Favyn cites two decrees of the Parlement that he says were issued b y th e kin g "sean t en son Lk t de Iustice." However , th e firs t h e mentions , issue d o n 25 November 1366, contains no reference to the lit de justice: ibid., 1:298; cf. AN, X1A 21, fols, lr, 72r-73r. Extensive searchin g in the registers of the Parlement has failed to revea l his source for the second decree, issue d o n 22 February 1321 and sai d t o involv e a dispute betwee n th e princ e o f Taranto and Eudes, duke of Burgundy, regarding the payment of men-at-arms to recover Constantinople: Favyn, Le Theatre d'Honnevr, 1:311-12.

3 La Roche Flavin, Treze livres des Parlemens, 291-93, for "Plusieurs exemples des assistances des Rois, es Audiances , & lict s d e iustice qu'il s on t ten u es Parlemens" (291, marginal note) . The examples run from the king's appearance in the Parlement of Paris on 22 February 1492 through the sessions of 1527, with a supplementary reference to the lit de justice held in Toulouse in 1565. The term lit de justice is not applied to any of the sessions preceding 1527, but the marginal note cited above suggests that La Roche Flavin considere d the m al l lits de justice. Th e example s follo w a section i n which, expatiating o n th e ceremony wit h whic h Frenc h king s issue d thei r decrees , h e say s (ibid. , 291) that thi s occurre d "e n Audiance publique, eu x tenans leur lict, ou lys de iustice , ou throsne Roya l .. . comm e le Greffier d u Parlement de Pari s [Jean du Tillet] .. . e n rapporte plusieurs exemples tirez des Registres d u Parlement de Paris: desquels nous auon s choisi ceux des Parlemens seulement." He late r (ibid., 294) refers to the sessions that he has listed as Audiances Royalles; alludin g to the position of the chamberlain at the king's

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scholars, focusing sometimes on substance, sometimes on terminology, inattentive to semantic nuance s an d historica l context , amasse d rag-ba g collection s o f session s which the y dubbe d lits de justice.

When i n 1756 L e Paige bewaile d th e lit de justice, i t wa s on e functiona l realit y connoted b y th e ter m tha t h e deplored : th e kings ' us e o f thei r absolut e powe r t o overturn customar y practic e an d t o compe l registratio n o f edict s withou t fre e discussion4. O n 24 July 1527 President Charle s Guillar t ha d exhorte d Franci s I t o subordinate himsel f t o the law and to exercis e hi s "absolut e power " infrequently -or, best of all , never 5. This subject was raised repeatedly b y othe r presidents o f th e court. I n the lit de justice hel d on 4 July 1581, First President Christophl e de Thou proclaimed t o Henr y II I tha t "accordin g t o th e king' s law , whic h i s hi s absolut e power," th e fisca l edict s whic h th e kin g wa s imposin g "coul d pass , bu t tha t according t o th e la w o f th e kingdom , whic h wa s reaso n an d equity , the y neithe r could nor should b e published."6 Two years later, on 7 March 1583, First Presiden t Achille d e Harlay declare d t o th e king , "You r predecessor s hav e honore d you r Parlements by regulatin g th e balanc e o f justic e throug h th e courts ' counse l an d advice; and although they could have used absolute power like you, they have always had engraved on their hearts the determination t o reduce their power to the civilit y of th e laws."7

By Le Paige's time , an d indee d i n th e day s o f Jean d u Tillet an d Bernar d de la Roche Flavin , th e lit de justice manifeste d thi s realit y - as wel l a s others . Th e significance o f th e ter m an d th e histor y o f it s genesi s an d developmen t pale s i n comparison wit h th e significanc e o f th e fundamenta l evi l tha t Le Paige an d th e presidents o f th e Parlement attacked: th e king' s us e o f th e Parlement as an instru-ment for asserting his untrammeled authority . The abuse of suc h powers le d to th e monarchy's fall , an d th e lit de justice wa s on e orga n throug h whic h th e king , fo r better o r fo r worse , signifie d t o hi s peopl e hi s suprem e an d increasingl y absolut e control o f government .

feet, he says that the practice was observed "en toutes assemblées solemnelles, mesmes les Roys tenans leur lict de Iustice en leurs Parlemens, comme venons d e monstrer."

4 See Holt , "Kin g i n Parlement," 511-12 ; and Le Paige, Lettre, 13 , 34, 38-39 . Cf . Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 226-27 (Fr. ed. 217).

5 See 66 esp. n. 21 and 74 n.52 above . 6 "Lor s le Premier Président dist tout haut 'que, selon l a loy du Roy, qui est son absolue puissance, les

edits pouvoient passer; mais que, selon la loy du roiaume, qui estoit la raison et l'équité, ils ne pouvoient ni ne debvoient estr e publiés'": L'Estoile, Mémoires-journaux, 2:12 .

7 "Pou r cett e consideration, Sire, vo s prédécesseur s on t fai t ce t honneu r à vos Parlemen s d e régle r la balance d e l a Iustic e pa r leur consei l & aduis : Et combie n qu'il s peussen t vse r d e puissanc e absolu e comme vous , toutesfoi s il s on t tousiour s e u cett e maxim e engraué e e n leu r espri t d e réduir e leu r puissance à la ciuilité des Loix": Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:598; see 12-13 esp n. 7 above.

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A P P E N D I X I

THE RECORD S O F TH E SUI T A N D TRIA L O F ROBERT O F ARTOIS

The spectacula r sui t an d tria l o f Rober t o f Artois occupied Phili p VI, th e peers o f France, an d th e realm' s highes t tribuna l fo r thre e critica l years , fro m 1329, when Robert se t in motion hi s grand design t o gain control o f Artois, to 1332, when hi s efforts collapsed , and he was banished from the realm and his property confiscated . On 7 March 1337 the kin g condemne d hi m b y roya l decre e an d declare d hi m hi s mortal enemy for his treasonous collaboration with Edward III of England. Numer-ous documents connected wit h these dramatic proceedings survive ; so too do three fine copie s o f th e actions prompted b y an d taken against Robert1. Othe r luxuriou s copies onc e existed , testifying t o contemporaries ' interest in the suit and trial.

The proceeding s involvin g Artois were importan t no t onl y fo r th e immediat e issues tha t they settled bu t also for the precedents which Robert' s tria l in 1331 and 1332 established for issues of protocol an d for royal judicial actions against peers of the realm 2. Respondin g t o Henr y IP s reques t fo r information abou t the order and rank of the peers of France, for example, Jean du Tillet in early July 1547 showed the king's privy councilor s a register o f th e tria l o f Rober t o f Artois and gave them a copy of the first folio, "on which they could find the order and rank that the peers of France, ol d an d new , shoul d have." 3 Th e record s concer n u s here , however , principally becaus e of the illustrations found i n some of the luxurious copies of th e proceedings. These provide the earliest pictorial record of the appearance of a king of France in a solemn sessio n o f hi s highest court .

Before considerin g th e records relating to Robert o f Artois, a brief sketch of th e events that led to their compilation is in order4. Robert III of Artois was the great-

1 AN, J 439, J 440A, 440*; J 439, no. 1 (a forged documen t dated September 1286) is described in Musée des Archives nationales, 195 , no. 337, where a portio n o f th e scrip t i s reproduced . Th e survivin g registers, to be discussed below, are AN, JJ 20; BN, fr. 18437; and a copy in the Hobart collection that passed to Lor d Mosty n an d was sol d t o ti e Londo n bookselle r Quaritc h by Sotheby , Wilkinso n an d Hodge in London o n 13 July 1920.

2 Cutder, Law of Treason, 96-97, 101 , 102, 143. 3 See 77 above. The Parlement's letter to the king of 6 July 1547 ended by assuring Henry that there was

no bette r plac e fo r hi m t o fin d informatio n abou t thes e question s tha n "es Registre s d e vostre dite Cour": Le Ceremonial François, ed . Godefroy , 1:294 .

4 The followin g accoun t i s largel y base d o n Lancelot , "Mémoires pou r servi r à l'histoir e d e Rober t d'Artois," who treated the subject more cursorily in his earlier "Justification." Cazelles provides much valuable informatio n concernin g th e political implication s o f th e proceedings , i n La société politique, 75-105. Some fift y year s after Lancelo t presente d hi s conclusions L'Averd y publishe d a n article that usefully supplement s th e work o f hi s predecessor, whom h e characterized (o n p. 537) as "ce savant & 1'aborieux [sic] Académicien." Griffet's "Observation s sur le procès de Robert d'Artois" analyzes and comments on Lancelot's work; Dacier's discussion of a document from the library of Saint-Martin-des-

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grandson o f Rober t I , coun t o f Artois, and th e so n o f Philipp e o f Artois, lord o f Conches, himself the eldest son and heir of Robert II, count of Artois5, Born in 1287 and raised at the royal court with the sons of Philip the Fair, Robert III lost his father in 1298, when he was ten or eleven; his grandfather died four years later, in 1302, in the battl e o f Courtrai . The custo m o f Artois did no t recogniz e th e principl e o f representation, so that since Philippe of Conche s die d before Rober t II , the count y of Artois, which Robert II I believed should hav e passed through hi s father to him, went instea d t o hi s aunt , Mahau t o f Artois, daughter o f Rober t II , wife o f Coun t Othon of Burgundy, and mother-in-law o f two of the sons of Philip the Fair, Philip (V) and Charles (IV).

Reaching hi s majority in 1308 when h e was twenty-one , Rober t II I laid claim t o Artois. His sui t was unsuccessful , however , an d on 3 October 1309 Philip th e Fair decreed that the county should remain in Mahaut's hands. Robert bided his time, and in 1316 he profited from the discontent of the nobles of Artois over Mahaut's rule to seize the county, warning his aunt that he intended to recover the rights of which she had deprived him . Befor e hi s accession t o th e throne , Phili p V, actin g a s regent o f France, led an armed force against Robert HI and his allies. After Philip was crowned in January 1317 the dispute between Mahaut and Robert came before the Parlement; in Ma y 1318 the kin g dul y awarde d th e count y t o Mahau t an d commande d tha t hostilities betwee n he r an d Rober t cease 6. Robert , marrie d i n 1318 to Jeann e o f Valois, daughter of Charle s of Valois, had no choice save to capitulate, but agai n he

Champs provides additional information about Philip VI's futile attempts to summon Robert for trial in 1334. In 1839 Le Roux de Lincy brought out a highly dramatize d but often informativ e accoun t of th e proceedings. Two lectures by Kervyn de Lettenhove, published in 1860, take a sympathetic approach to Robert's position but furnish little new material; Germaine Callies' thesis on the proceedings, published only i n outline , deal s chronologicall y wit h th e proceeding s an d add s littl e t o Lancelot' s pioneerin g work. I n 1982 Emmanuel Poulie presented a useful analysi s o f Robert' s forgerie s an d th e Parlement's treatment o f them . Woo d treat s variou s aspect s o f th e cas e i n French Apanages, 59-62, 117-31 . He criticizes (ibid. , 61 n. 60) Kervyn de Lettenhove fo r givin g credenc e t o th e information i n th e forge d documents submitte d b y Rober t o f Artois, but in fact Kervy n was relying (surel y inadvisedly ) o n the testimony o f witnesse s clos e t o Robert' s famil y wh o supporte d Robert' s claim ; Le Rou x d e Lincy's skeptical evaluation of this testimony seems sound. Since Robert II of Artois was still alive, Robert Ill' s father Philippe di d no t hold th e county o f Artois when he sealed his wil l (an d codicil ) on 22 January 1295 (and o n 18 August 1298); however, thi s doe s no t prov e tha t his fathe r coul d no t hav e intende d Artois to pass to Philippe's heir if his oldest son predeceased him: cf. Wood, French Apanages, 61 n. 68. The original will and codicil are preserved in AN, J 1019, nos. 2-2b" (with a copy made in February 1706 in K 531, no. 6) and ar e publishe d i n Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, 1:1264-68. Most damagin g t o Kervyn de Lettenhove's attempt to treat Robert sympathetically i s the testimony give n b y his counsel, Guillaume d u Breuil, publishe d b y Moranvillé in 1887, which suggest s tha t Rober t knowingl y attempted to deceive the king and his court. Zeller published extracts from the proceedings of the trial in 1885: Philippe VI et Robert d'Artois, 31-80 . Dana L . Sampl e i s preparin g a complet e edition , lon g overdue, of th e Artois material.

5 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:101 , 386-87 . 6 On 17 February 1317 Robert demanded that the peers of the realm attend the hearing of his suit, and the

peers were indeed at court on 14 March 1317, when it was decided that Robert would not be heard "per viam requeste" but might proceed "per viam peticionis." The record of proceedings for 14 March notes, however, that the king "curiam suam de paribus Francie habuit munitam, pro eo solummodo quod, in accordo Ambianis facto novissime, dominus Rex hoc promiserat Roberto predicto, quamquam forsitan videretur alias non fuisse necesse dictos pares esse vocandos, nisi foret accordum predictum": Les OUm, 2:650, no. IV (14 March 1317), 660-61, no. XIII (17 February 1317).

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bided hi s time 7. H e rendere d loya l servic e to Charles IV , brothe r an d successor o f Philip V (1322-28), and whe n Charle s die d o n 1 February 1328 he supporte d th e claims o f hi s brother-in-la w Phili p o f Valois to th e crown 8. Havin g gaine d th e throne, i n Januar y 1329 Philip V I (1328-50) made Rober t a pee r an d coun t o f Beaumont-le-Roger, a lordship that Philip the Fair had given him to compensate for his loss o f Artois. Far from bein g satisfied, Rober t continued t o hope for more.

Robert ma y hav e believe d sincerel y i n th e justic e o f hi s claim s t o Artois. Determined t o reviv e them , h e sough t evidenc e an d witnesses t o establis h tha t hi s grandfather (Rober t II ) had investe d hi s father , Philippe , an d Philippe's heir s with rights to Artois at the time of Philippe's marriage to Blanche of Brittany, Robert Ill's mother9. Whe n Phili p V I wa s i n Amien s i n June 1329 to receiv e th e homag e o f Edward II I o f England , Rober t demande d tha t the kin g appoin t commissioner s t o hear the witnesses he had found. Philip VI acquiesced on 7 June 1329, and beginning two day s late r th e roya l appointee s hear d fifty-nin e witnesses , man y o f who m supported Robert' s case . Mahau t o f Artois prepared t o defen d he r right s bu t die d suddenly in Paris on 27 October 1329; her eldest daughter Jeanne, widow o f Phili p V, was provisionally investe d with Artois. The loyalties o f Philip VI were doubdess divided. The king was devbted to Robert, who was his brother-in-law and supporter, but Jeanne was Philip V's widow. Even more important, her daughter and namesake, married on 18 June 1318 to Eudes IV, duke o f Burgundy , was Philip VI's sister-in -law, sinc e i n Jul y 1313 he ha d we d Eudes' sister Jeanne 10. Althoug h Phili p V I awarded Artois to th e dowage r quee n Jeanne , h e di d no t abando n Robert , an d proceedings regardin g Robert' s claim s continued . Then , convenientl y (an d suspi -ciously), Quee n Jeann e die d o n 21 January 1330 11; agai n provisionally , Jeanne' s daughter an d namesake , Phili p VI' s sister-in-law , gaine d possessio n o f Artois, although the king was apparently maneuvering to secure the county fo r the crown.

Robert an d his wife (Phili p VI's half sister ) had no intention o f abandonin g their fight, an d forgerie s wer e produce d b y accomplice s workin g t o suppor t thei r inter-ests; whether Rober t himsel f commissione d th e documents o r knew that they were all false wil l probabl y neve r b e surely known , bu t h e seems unlikel y t o hav e bee n guiltless. The forgers were not clever enough, and their crime was exposed. The chief culprits wer e capture d an d confessed , an d th e letter s wer e declare d forgerie s an d canceled. Robert maintained his innocence but on 8 August 1331 was summoned for judgment on 29 September; desperate, he sent as much of his property as he could to England an d too k fligh t fo r Brabant . Hi s land s an d belonging s wer e seize d a s the trial proceede d a t th e Louvr e befor e th e Parlement, "sufficiently garnishe d wit h

7 Lehugeur presents a useful accoun t o f event s i n Artois during th e regency an d reign of Phili p V, in Histoire de Philippe le Long, 61-72, 166-91 . Beugnot comment s o n proceedings i n the Parlement of Paris on 14 February and 14 March 1317, in Les Olim, 2:629-30, no. IV, and 660-61, no. XIII; Wood, French Apanages, 61 n. 68, righdy criticizes Beugnot' s assumptio n tha t women coul d not succee d t o apanages in the earl y fourteent h century .

8 Philip wa s th e eldes t so n o f Charle s o f Valois and Marguerit e o f Sicily ; Robert' s wif e Jeanne wa s Philip's half-sister , th e daughte r o f Charle s o f Valois and his secon d wife , Catherin e o f Courtenay , heiress of the empir e of Constantinople : Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:100-101 .

9 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:385 . 10 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:94 , 103 , 547-48. 11 Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:94 .

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peers an d others. " Three adjournment s an d repeated summonse s followed , an d o n each day se t b y th e kin g fo r Robert' s cas e th e peer s appeared . Finally , o n 8 April 1332, before a large and impressive audience, Philip VI proclaimed Robert' s banish -ment from th e realm and the confiscation o f hi s property; a s before, th e king acted with extreme prudence , i n hopes tha t Robert woul d repent , an d pubhcation o f th e decree was deferre d unti l 19 May.

Robert himself was stil l in Brabant, but the marriage of th e son and namesake o f Duke Jean III of Braban t to Philip VI's daughter Marie on 29 September 1332 made his situation difficult, no r does this seem to have changed after Marie's death a year later, on 22 September 133312. Robert wandered from place to place and sometime in 1333 sought asylu m in Namur, makin g a bold bu t brie f fora y int o France . He stil l hoped an d plotte d t o tak e reveng e o n hi s enemie s there , an d new s o f hi s design s reached Phili p VI , eve n a s h e learne d o f Robert' s fligh t fro m th e continen t t o England (probabl y b y wa y o f Provenc e an d Guyenne), early i n 1334. The kin g reacted deliberatedly an d decisively. Robert' s wif e an d children were seized ; at the king's instance many eminent nobles and ecclesiastics solemnly pledged never to aid Robert; proceeding s agains t Robert' s accomplice s wer e decree d o n 17 February 1335, since onl y th e ringleader, a woman, ha d bee n condemne d (an d burned ) i n 1331; sentences agains t the others were handed down in May 1335 and duly carried out. O n 7 March 1337 Philip VI, galled b y Robert' s receptio n in England , declare d him hi s morta l enemy ; th e kin g subsequentl y (and , predictably, vainly ) demande d Robert's return to France for judgment "in his court garnished with peers and other members of his council , althoug h Robert was not a peer but had lost al l the honors and estat e o f peerage." 13 Wa r betwee n Franc e an d Englan d finall y erupted , an d Robert serve d Edward II I in his campaigns agains t France unti l hi s death in 134214.

These, then , ar e th e circumstance s tha t prompte d th e decree s an d record s o f judicial proceeding s containe d i n th e volume s dedicate d t o Robert' s sui t an d trial . The affair touched the king himself an d the different branche s o f his administration , and severa l ful l copie s o f th e documentatio n connecte d wit h th e cas e wer e dul y prepared. The care with which the records were transcribed and presented, as well as the numbe r o f copie s tha t were made , witnesse s th e significanc e attribute d t o th e proceedings agains t Robert .

The many origina l document s connecte d wit h the case were placed i n the Trésor des chartes; two full and two partial copies of the acts were also deposited there. The most impressive of thes e copies was the volume tha t Gerard de Montaigu, guardia n of the Trésor des chartes from 1370 to 139115, classified a s the repository's twentieth register. This volume, he recorded, "contains the proceedings against Lord Robert of

12 Brown, "Customary Aids," 193-94, 214-16; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:10 4 (the marriage was contracted on 8 July 1332).

13 ".. . en sa Cour garaye de Pairs & autres gens de son conseil, combien que ledit Robert ne soit pas Pair, mais privé de tous honneurs & estât de Pairie": Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 642 (16 May 1337) .

14 Dépre z ("La mort de Robert d'Artois") publishes documents from the Public Record Office showing that Robert died in Brittany i n late November 1342.

15 Gerard's lif e i s outline d b y Delaborde , "Etud e sur la constitutio n du Tréso r de s Chartes, " esp . cxv-<xv, clxv-clxvij ; Delaborde presents a detailed account of Gerard' s inventorie s and classification . Famiglietti also treats Gerard's origin and family, i n Tales of the Marriage Bed, 35-41.

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Artois, and there, at the beginning, is the order in which the peers of France should sit in judgment."16 The official statu s of the register was witnessed by the signatures of th e fiv e notarie s responsibl e fo r th e volum e tha t appea r a t th e botto m o f eac h folio. The impressive register came to the attention of Achille II (1606-71) or Achille III (1639-1712) d e Harlay, eminen t roya l judicia l official s wh o betwee n 1661 and 1689 served successivel y a s guardian s o f th e Trésor de s chartes . One o f the m appropriated i t an d adde d i t t o th e collectio n o f manuscript s tha t th e Harlay s amassed. This collection passed on the death of Achille III to his son and namesake; Achille IV de Harlay (1668-1717) in tur n bequeathe d i t t o Louis-Germai n de Chauvelin, keeper of th e seals and advocate general in the Parlement, and in 1755 he gave it to the abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Prés; from there it reached the Bibliothè-que nationale, where th e Artois register i s now M S fr. 1843717.

It is little wonder that the Harlays admired this manuscript and wanted it for their own library . Th e volum e i s a beautifull y decorate d cop y wit h tw o impressiv e illustrations at the commencement (fol. 2r-v). The first is a full-page depiction of the king in his court, attended by peers identified by escutcheons bearing their arms (fig. 1); the second smalle r miniature o n th e reverse shows th e kin g and two group s o f men. A notation abov e each of the two group s o f peers in the first miniature warns the observer that "they are not depicted as they should sit, but the order is given on the preceding folio." These comments refer to a heavily correcte d Ust of peers (fol. lr), introduce d b y the statement, "Ou temps ancien nauoit que xii pers en france vj lays, et vj clers dont ne se remuent les clers."18 It was evidently just such a page as this that Jean du Tillet showed to and had copied for the privy councilors of Henry II on 4 or 5 July 1547. This suggests the likelihood that the Parlement of Paris had a copy of th e register which resemble d th e one in the Trésor de s chartes . Admittedly, Du

16 "Vicesimus contine t processu m contr a dominu m Robertu m de Artesio et ibi i n principi o es t ord o qualiter pares Francie debent seder e in judicio:" Delaborde, "Etude sur la constitution du Trésor des Chartes," civ; see also cxxxij.

17 Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrks, 2:47, 50,100-103; Guerout, "Série J," 216; Delaborde, "Etud e sur la constitutio n du Tréso r de s Chartes, " ccx j (who di d no t associat e thi s cop y wit h th e Harla y manuscript an d believed [civ ] that i t migh t hav e passed to the Louvre) . I n a letter dated 31 January 1925, Henri Omon t expresse d the opinion tha t the Harlay manuscript was probably prepare d "pou r quelque grand personnage d u temps": see n. 64 below. The notic e o n BN, fr . 18437 in Les fastes du Gothique, 314-15 , no. 266, does not discuss the original provenance of the register. Useful informatio n about th e Harla y famil y i s foun d i n Morembert' s article s i n Dictionnaire de biographie française, 17:658-61.

18 BN , fr . 18437 , fols , lr (lis t o f peers , wit h blan k verso) , 2r- v (miniatures) ; th e tw o contemporar y bastard chancery notations on fol. 2r state, "il ne sont pas pains si comme il doiuent seoir, mais lordre est o u foullet/foille t precedent"; se e Couderc, Bibliothèque nationale. Album, 6 , no . XIV. Dom Germain Poirier's analysis of the second miniature is found i n ibid., fol. Iv, where he comments that the painting is not found in the copy in the Trésor des chartes; on fol. Vlv-VI^r, he notes of the list of peers on fol. lr that "cette premiere page n'est point dans le Registre du Trésor des Chartes, et paroit être une addition de la façon du Copiste ou de celui qui a altéré le tableau des Pairs du folio 91 recto" (which he analyzes on fol. IVv-IV^r); L'Averdy ("Notice, " 537) calls attention to the "notice critique & diplomatique" planned by Dom Poirier, which was apparendy never published. Couderc notes (Les enluminures, 67 ) that Dom Poirier probably saw what is now the first sectio n of AN, JJ 20, when he consulted document s relatin g to the Artois affair i n 1780. An engraving o f th e smaller illustration i s published i n Lancelot , "Mémoire pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," pi. XX, facing 620; pi. XIX, facing 619, reproduces the full-page miniature .

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Tillet ha d access t o th e Trésor and could hav e borrowe d it s copy . Nonetheles s o n 3 July the king had ordered information to be sought in the Parlement's registers, and Du Tillet responded immediately; further, the letter that the Parlement sent the king on 6 July 1547 indicated that the information the greffier had provided came from the "Registres de vostre dite Cour." This statement and the speed with which Du Tillet responded indicat e that he drew on materia l which was immediatel y accessible 19.

On th e firs t foli o o f th e Harlay manuscrip t are found tw o enumeration s (on e i n verse) of th e twelve ancien t peers of th e kingdom; the statement tha t the king no w holds th e countie s o f Toulouse an d Champagne ; an d a list o f th e seven ne w peers: the king of Navarre because of the county of Evreux and the other lands he possessed in France , th e count o f Alençon, the duk e o f Bourbon , th e coun t o f Etampes , th e count of Artois, the duke of Brittany, the count of Clermont, and, finally, the count of Beaumont[-le-Roger] (i . e., Robert of Artois), said no longer to be count or peer. The illustration o n fol. 2r shows th e king at the top and six groups o f figures : tw o men immediately t o hi s righ t (wit h coat s o f arm s designating the m a s the king s o f Navarre [Philipp e o f Evreux ] an d Bohemi a [Joh n o f Luxembourg]) ; eigh t peer s beneath them (wit h armoria l bearing s identifying the m a s Etampes, Brittany, Flan-ders, Guyenne, Bourbon, Burgundy, Alençon, and Normandy); the six ecclesiastical peers o f th e real m facing th e la y peer s (wit h thei r armoria l bearing s abov e them) ; eight men clustered o n the ground in the middle; and two groups of si x men in the foreground behind a bench (with the coat of arms of Robert of Artois above the head of th e second figur e i n the grou p o n the right , indicatin g tha t they ar e the count' s envoys). Just what session of the king's court this is meant to depic t i s unclear; the Ust of thos e presen t a t the Louvr e t o hea r the condemnation o f Rober t o n 6 April 1332 contains fiv e rathe r tha n si x ecclesiastica l peer s (omittin g th e bisho p o f Langres), the king of Bohemia but not the king of Navarre , and only fou r lay peers (Normandy, Alençon, Bourbon, an d Flanders) 20. However , al l si x ecclesiastica l peers, an d th e nin e la y peer s whos e armoria l bearing s ar e depicte d (Navarr e fo r Evreux, the other eight listed above) were summoned to attend all sessions at which Robert was ordered to appear21. Similarly, the precise occasion depicted in the small illustration o n th e revers e o f thi s foli o i s unclear , althoug h i t ha s bee n plausibl y interpreted as the king's reception of the envoys of Robert of Artois on 18 February 133222.

The Harlays' acquisitio n o f thi s manuscript lef t th e Trésor des charte s with tw o instead o f thre e copie s o f th e proceedings . The mos t elaboratel y decorate d o f th e remaining copie s i s no w th e firs t sectio n o f AN , J J 20, the volum e tha t sinc e th e nineteenth centur y ha s bee n designated a s the twentiet h registe r o f th e Trésor de s

19 See 77,105 above, and Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:29 ; Brown discusses Du Tillet's work in the Trésor des chartes, in fean du Tillet and his Recueils. The illustrate d cop y o f th e proceedings i n the Chambre des comptes that Lancelot described in 1733 (see 112-13 below) also contained suc h a list.

20 BN, fr . 18437, fol. 90v; JJ 20, fols. 129r, 231r (where the list is dated 17 February 1332, when the third default agains t Rober t wa s pronounced) . The lis t that Du Tillet included i n Recueil des honneurs et rangs des grands, 378-80 , is like the one in BN, fr . 18437, fol. 90v.

21 BN, fr . 18437, fol. 91r; AN, JJ 20, fol . 130v. 22 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," pi. XX facin g 620.

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chartes23. When he classified the Trésor's contents in the fourteenth century, Gerard de Montaigu wrot e o n it s parchmen t cover , "Th e cas e o f Lor d Rober t o f Artois, which is triple, and there is one signed on each page by [effaced] notaries, illuminated with image s a t th e beginning , an d there i s th e orde r i n which th e peers o f Franc e should si t in judgment, an d it i s with the other registers."24

This notatio n show s tha t Gerar d kne w thre e copie s o f th e proceedings . Th e illuminated registe r wit h notaries ' signature s t o whic h h e allude s i s surel y th e manuscript eventually acquired by the Harlays, which Gerard had placed "with the other registers " as th e twentieth o f thes e volume s an d described a s containing "i n principio" th e orde r o f th e peers ' seating. To b e sure , like th e Harla y volum e th e manuscript on whose cover Gerard penned his note was also signed by notaries, but there is no reason to think that it was ever adorned with miniatures or a list of peers at the beginning 25.

The third copy know n to Gerar d de Montaigu must be the first (or , more likely, both) of the two partial copies, lacking notaries' signatures, now bound with the full copy, jus t discussed , i n AN, J J 2026. When Pierr e Dupuy an d Theodore Godefro y inventoried th e Trésor de s charte s in th e seventeent h century , the y foun d n o twentieth volum e amon g th e repository' s registers . However , amon g th e loos e documents connecte d wit h th e Artois case the y discovere d tw o registers , on e "i n which wa s transcribe d the proceedings agains t Robert o f Artois . . . signed on each

23 A ful l descriptio n o f AN , JJ 20, is give n i n Musée des Archives nationales, 199 , no. 346; the notic e includes reproduction s o f th e notaries * signature s an d th e commencemen t o f th e secon d default , pronounced agains t Robert o n 14 December 1331.

24 "L e procès messire Robert dartois le quel es t triple et y e n a vn signe en chascune page de . [effaced] notaires enlumin e a hymages au commencement et y est lordre commen t les pers de france doiuen t seoir en lugemen t & est aue c les autre s registres" : AN, J J 20, fol . Ar; Delaborde , "Etud e sur la constitution du Tréso r de s Chartes, " cliv . The numbe r o f notarie s whos e signature s appea r i n th e volume may have been effaced becaus e those of four notaries appears on fols. 4v-6v and those of fiv e on th e subsequen t folio s o f th e firs t section , althoug h fiv e ar e foun d a t th e botto m o f eac h foli o (beginning with fol. 5v) of BN, fr. 18437, the manuscript to which Gerard's description actually refers. We are grateful t o Patricia Danz Stirneman n for verifying thi s and other details for us.

25 See the preceding note . In 1849 "DD" wrote on fol. Br of AN, JJ 20, "D'après une note de Lancelot dans l'un de ses mémoires sur Robert d'Artois (Mém. de l'Acad. t. X. p. 601) il y aurait eu en tête de ce registre un e miniatur e représentan t le Ik de justice. Ca r ce registr e es t bie n certainemen t celu i qu'i l désigne en tête des trois mss. du procès qu'il mentionne." In fact, as will be seen, when Lancelot did his research h e consulte d n o manuscrip t tha t wa s house d i n th e Trésor de s charte s and kne w onl y th e Harlay manuscript and two copies (one of them illustrated) in the Chambre des comptes. Nonetheless, the comment of "DD " persuaded the author of th e notice on JJ 20 in Musée des Archives nationales, 199, no. 346, that the register "paraît être le premier des trois manuscrits dont parle Lancelot dans un de se s Mémoires." Later scholars , similarl y misled , hav e assume d tha t th e first par t o f J J 20 once contained a miniature: Couderc , Les enluminures, 67; Sterling, La peinture médiévale, 136 . Couderc (Les enluminures, 67 ) did not not e the presence o f thre e separate sections i n AN, JJ 20; he wrongly believed that the manuscript had come to the Trésor des charte s from the Chambre des comptes and was th e unillustrate d cop y whic h Lancelo t ha d used . I n a letter date d 31 January 1925 (see n . 64 below), Henr i Omon t endorse d thi s ide a ("Il provien t certainemen t de s archive s d e l'ancienn e Chambre des Comptes") .

26 AN , JJ 20, fols. 197r-232v , 233r-66v. The second section has approximately the same dimensions (290 by 337 mm.) as the initial part (280 by 337 mm.); the third (223 by 285 mm.) is distincdy smaller. The dimensions of the Harlay manuscript are 274 by 344 mm. Neither the second nor the third part of JJ 20 contains notaries ' signatures . W e ar e gratefu l t o Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek fo r verifyin g readings in and answering a number of questions about these manuscripts.

m

page by five notaries and secretaries," and another "small register containing part of the acts of the said proceedings ... which i s not signed." 27 These registers were stil l with the documents relatin g to the case when commissioners reviewe d th e contents of the Trésor des chartes between 21 November and 20 December 1797. They foun d "in this bundle the two following registers" - one large volume covered in parchment (which their detailed description shows was what is now the first segment of JJ 20), and what they considered a second register, unbound, "in two formats" (the last two sections of JJ 20, the second of which is markedly smaller than the first)28. After this date the items were transferred fro m the carton s containin g th e Artois documents, bound, classifie d a s JJ 20, and placed among the registers o f the Trésor des chartes.

It seem s unhkel y tha t th e Trésor de s charte s contained an y othe r cop y o f th e proceedings, bu t betwee n a t leas t 1373 and 1424 the roya l librar y a t th e Louvr e possessed two exemplars, one valued at 12 s. and another, evidently more impressive, at 1 I.29 As has been seen , the Parlement of Pari s must have had its own copy 30. A t least two additiona l copie s wer e housed in the Chambre des comptes, which had a vested interes t in the proceedings agains t Robert o f Artois because o f th e confisca -tion of Robert' s property that resulted from hi s conviction.

When Antoine Lancelot prepared his impressive study of Robert of Artois in the early eighteent h century , tw o o f th e three manuscript s wit h whic h h e worked (th e only ones he knew) were housed in the Chambre des comptes31. One resembled the Harlay cop y (th e thir d manuscrip t tha t h e used) , whic h h e terme d "th e signe d original" an d characterized a s "beautifu l an d wel l written " - although th e Harla y manuscript i s in fac t les s carefull y copie d (o n parchment o f mor e variabl e quality ) than the first segmen t o f JJ 2032. Lik e the Harla y volume (an d the firs t segmen t o f JJ 20), one of the copies in the Chambre des comptes was signed by five notaries at the bottom of eac h page; like the Harlay manuscript (and unlike the first section of JJ 20), it containe d a t the beginnin g a depiction o f th e kin g an d hi s cour t (whic h

27 "Registr e ou était transcrit le procès fait audit Robert d'artois .. . signé en chaque page de cinq notaires et secretaires"; "Autre petit registre qui contient partie des actes dudict procès qui sont cy dessu s qui n'est signé": AN, JJ 586, following the analysis of J 440B, no. 60. As Delaborde points out ("Etude sur la constitution du Trésor des Chartes," cliv), when cataloguing the registers of th e Trésor des chartes Pierre Dupu y foun d n o registe r numbered JJ 20 and, doubtles s thinkin g o f th e first o f th e register s housed with the cartons, recorded that the volume containing proceedings in the Artois case was "aux Layettes."

28 "Nou s avon s trouvé dans le Bureau une liass e de pieces concernant l e procès d e Robert d'Artoi s e t dans cette liasse les deux Registres suivans. le 1 er Registre en parchemin grand format sans cotte, ayant sur la couverture ces mots, procès messire Robert d'Artois, lequel est triple, il commence par ces mots . . . le 2e Registre aussi en parchemin sans couverture est aussi Relatif au procès de Robert d'Artois, il est de deux formats, le 1 er commence pa r ces mots . . . l e 2e format plus petit que le 1 er commence par ces mots .. . quant aux pieces du procès nous les avons mis dans un carton avec une étiquete et nous avons mis c e carto n dan s l'armoir e 32" : AN , J 1165 , fol . 20v , no . 58 ; see Delaborde, "Etud e su r l a constitution d u Trésor de s Chartes, " civ. Agai n w e ar e mos t gratefu l t o Marie-Noëlle Baudouin-Matuszek, who transcribed for us the portions o f th e report of 1797 that Delaborde did not cite.

29 Delisle, Cabinet des manuscrits, 3:160, nos . 999 , 1000 ; see als o 114-15, where Delisl e discusse s hi s sources.

30 See 109-10 above. 31 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire d e Robert d'Artois," 601-2 n . * , 618-19, 620-21. 32 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 602 n. * continued from 601 ("beau,

bien écrit"), 618 ("l'original signé") .

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Lancelot terme d "la séanc e du Lit de Justice"), a s wel l a s a hs t o f peer s o n th e preceding folio . Althoug h Lancelo t doe s no t explicitl y sa y so , ther e seem s ever y reason t o thin k tha t anothe r smalle r illustratio n adorne d th e revers e o f th e initia l painting i n thi s manuscript 33. Becaus e i t containe d erasure s an d insert s Lancelo t considered this illustrated copy the minute originale (or original draft) of the second copy house d i n th e Chambre de s comptes , which h e terme d th e "origina l copy " ("copie originale" ) and describe d a s "bette r arranged " an d devoi d o f notaria l signatures an d illustrations 34.

The Chambre des comptes may have possessed yet another illustrated copy of the proceedings, know n t o a n artis t wh o i n th e lat e seventeent h an d earl y eighteent h century worke d fo r Roge r de Gaignière s (1642-1715 ) but unknown t o Lancelot 35. Gaignières was certainly familiar with the archives of the Chambre des comptes and amassed a large collectio n o f document s an d copie s fro m th e repository ; hi s artis t would have had no difficulty gainin g access to its premises and holdings36. This artist produced fo r Gaignières a watercolor (fig . 3) that in man y respect s resemble s th e full-page miniatur e i n th e Harla y manuscrip t (an d i n th e illustrate d cop y i n th e Chambre des comptes described by Lancelot) (fig. 1) but that is far more detailed and lifelike tha n those schemati c depictions . Bernar d de Montfaucon (1655-1741) used the Gaignières drawing as the basis for the engraving (fig. 4) with which he illustrated his account of the trial of Robert of Artois in the second volume of his Monumens de la monarchie franqoise, whic h wa s publishe d i n 1730, when h e was seventy-five 37. Because of its differences from the other illustration and, even more, because its artist has been suspected o f fancifu l invention 38, the Gaignières watercolor deserves close examination.

33 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 619-20; Lancelot included (see n. 18 above) engravings of the two illustrations. He did not say on which of the two illustrated manuscripts known t o hi m hi s plate s wer e based , bu t h e remarke d (ibid. , 619) that the depiction s i n bot h wer e "conformes l'un e à l'autre pour l'arrangement d e la séance." The plate s were probably derive d fro m the Harla y manuscript ; th e firs t on e ha s th e notation s foun d i n th e Harla y illustration . Althoug h Lancelot says that the "ordre" of peers preceded the large miniature "dans les deux registres originaux" (the Harlay manuscrip t an d the illustrated copy in the Chambre des comptes), he does not explicidy state that the illustration in the latter copy bor e the notations regarding the "ordre." The first page of the fourth volume of the third edition of Anselme's Histoire généalogique, published in 1728, featured a stylized engravin g (withou t notations ) depicting the Artois trial. Prepared by Philipp e Simonnea u the younger, i t is said to have been "Copié sur l'Original qui est à la Chambre des Comptes de Paris." Lancelot's pape r (read before th e Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres o n 22 April 1727) may have alerted the editors of Anselme's Hktoire t o the existence of the miniature in the manuscript at the Chambre des comptes .

34 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 602 n. * continued from 601 ("l'un est apparemment la minute, car il s'y trouv e des ratures & des renvois. Il est signé à toutes les pages"; "l'autre est une copie faite d'après cette minute & dans le même temps; elle est sans signature au bas des pages, & sans miniatures ...; parce qu'il est mieux arrangé que la minute, je l'ay indiqué sous le nom de copie originale"); see also his reference (ibid., 618-19) to the illustrated manuscript of the Chambre des comptes as "la minute originale de ce procès" and to the other as "une copie non signée, faite dans le temps même. "

35 Brown discusse s Gaignières, in Oxford Collection of the Drawings of Roger de Gaignières, esp. 44. 36 Delisle , Cabinet des manuscrits, 1:347; Nortier, "L e sort des archives dispersées," 470-71, 493-% . 37 Montfaucon , Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:244-48, esp . pi. XLIV, facing 246. 38 Sterlin g treats the question, in La peinture médiévale, 136 ; see also Couderc, Bibliothèque nationale.

Album, 6 , no. XTV. Sterling does not note that the authenticity of the representation in the Gaignières

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The structur e o f thi s pictur e i s fundamentall y simila r t o tha t o f th e Harla y miniature. I n th e watercolor , however , lavis h accoutrement s surroun d th e king' s throne. In it the kings of Navarre and Bohemia sit sedately at Philip VI's right, on a clearly-defined bench with sides; the lay and ecclesiastical peers are ranged in orderly fashion on two similar benches on either side of the parquet. Rather than crowdin g together on the floor, four of the eight persons grouped in the middle sit side by side on a bench and the other four stand behind them. Unlike the Harlay miniature, the Gaignières watercolor ha s n o reference s t o th e correc t orde r o f peer s o n th e preceding foho . I t contains , however , a number o f additiona l notations . Th e tw o princes seated to the king's right and designated by coats of arms are accurately said to be "the king of Navarre because of the county o f Evreux," and, incorrectly, "the count o f Beaumon t [-sur-Oise?]" with arm s "fac e dargen t & dazeur de vi piece s dautres disent face dargent et de gueulles de 6 pieces Portoi t escatel e au 1 . & 4. de gueulles au lyon a dor Au 1. et 2. comme dessus."39 This description suggests that the author o f th e inscriptio n (o r the person wh o furnishe d hi m wit h th e information ) was not an expert in heraldry or genealogy but had seen an actual miniature in which traces of red (gueules) appeared on the quarters of the arms that were fascé in argent and azure ; thi s woul d b e understandabl e i f th e lio n o f gueules found o n thes e quarters o f th e armoria l bearing s o f Bohemi a (an d stil l visibl e i n th e Harla y illustration) ha d bee n partl y effaced 40. Th e fac t tha t th e arm s o f th e count s o f

watercolor was first questioned by Lancelot, in "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 620-21.

39 Montfauco n quotes the inscription in Les monumens de la monarchie française, 2:246 , where he notes (2:246-27) the variations in th e arms of Bohemi a bu t does no t commen t o n th e absence of a lion of gueules from the Luxembourg arms in 2 and 3: see n. 47 below. I n 1328 the arms of Bohemia were de gueules à un lion d'argent a double queue, armé, lampassé, couronné d'or, essentially what is seen in 1 and 4 of the Harlay and Mostyn illustrations; the Walford Roll (ca. 1275) gives the arms as d'argent à un lion de sable couronné d'or, un croix sur l'épaule: Neubecker, Heraldry, 85, 154-55 (Fr . ed. ibid.); Eight Rolls of Arms, 38, no. 10; 46, no. 10; 57, no. 10; we thank Patricia Danz Stirnemann for her help with th e Harla y painting . The Gaignières watercolor an d the Harlay an d Mostyn illustration s sho w more than three fasces on 2 and 3, and the arms of Luxembourg were in fact not fascé but rather burelé d'argent et d'azur a un lion de gueules couronné d'or: ibid., 16, no. 17 ; 40, no. 59; 50, no. 114 ; 62, no. 125. Although only iour fasces are clearly visible in the Harlay and Mostyn miniatures, five can be seen in the engraving of the Gaignières watercolor that Lenoir included in Monumens des arts libéraux, pi. XXXVI. Accordin g t o Anselme (Hktoire généalogique, 1:106) , the arm s o f Joh n o f Luxembour g (borne b y hi s eldes t daughte r Bonne , wif e o f Joh n I I o f France ) were d'argent au lion de gueules. However, those that appear repeatedly in the psalter of Bonne of Luxembourg (ca. 1345-49) are parti de France à la bordure de gueules, parti mi-coupé de gueules à un lion d'argent à double queue et mi-coupé burelé d'argent et d'azur à un lion de gueules: New York , The Metropolitan Museum o f Art , The Cloisters, MS 69.86, fols. 6r, 45r, 83v, 102v , 146v , 170r , 246v, 295r, 315r, 321v, 322r, 328r, 331r; the fasces d'argent (like the lion d'argent) are visible on the reverse of each miniature; only iour fasces appear on the lozenge-shaped escutcheo n on fol. 170r. We are grateful for th e help of Danie l Kletke , who examine d th e manuscrip t wit h Elizabet h Brown . The psalte r i s discusse d i n Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France, 74-75 (with color plates of fols. 83v-84r and 321v-22r, showing th e arms); and in Les fastes du Gothique, 315-16 , no. 267. On Bonne and her marriage to John II, see Van Kerrebrouck, Les Valois, 94.

40 In som e o f th e coat s o f arm s i n the psalte r of Bonne o f Luxembourg , th e fasces d'argent appear t o overlie th e lion de gueules, probably becaus e i t was difficul t t o make the red pigment adher e t o th e burnished silver : see , e.g. , Ne w York , The Metropolita n Museu m o f Art , The Cloisters , M S 69.86, fols. 83v, 102v, 321v, 322r, 328r, 331r; and in Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France, 75 (cf. fols. 83v and 321v with 322r); see also fig. 2 (Mostyn manuscript) .

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Beaumont-sur-Oise were d'azur au lion d'or might possibly have led a person whose grasp of heraldry was imperfect to assume that the arms in the illustration were those of th e house o f Beaumont-sur-Oise , althoug h that county wa s in 1332 held b y th e king of Navarre , count o f Evreux , whose arm s appear next to those o f the king of Bohemia41.

In the Gaignières watercolor th e twelv e ancien t peers , la y an d ecclesiastical , ar e listed to the left an d right above the coats of arms designating those presumably in attendance; on the left, below the eight escutcheons of the lay peers are listed the new and old lay comital peerages (although the artist omitted Clermont), and the new and old la y duca l peerages . Thi s hs t conflate s th e enumeratio n o f peerage s ne w an d ancient foun d a t th e beginnin g o f th e Harla y manuscrip t (an d perhap s i n th e manuscript fro m whic h Gaignières' artist wa s copying) . Th e nam e o f Rober t o f Artois is correctl y inscribe d nex t t o th e coa t o f arm s ( a recognizable depictio n o f Robert's armoria l beamings ) poise d abov e th e group o f individual s standin g a t the bottom right of th e miniature42. In the upper righthand corner the artist labeled his drawing "Session of the dukes and peers sitting with King Philip VI of Valois in the town of Amiens on 9 June 1329 to judge the criminal proceedings against Robert of Artois, count of Beaumont, as it is found in a register of the said trial in the Chambre des comptes in Paris."43

This designatio n i s curious . Crimina l proceeding s agains t Rober t befor e th e Parlement and th e peer s o f Franc e di d no t commenc e unti l 1331, and th e scen e shown i n th e watercolo r mus t hav e bee n intende d t o represen t on e o f th e court' s

41 Anselme , Hktoke généalogique, 8:3% . The county o f Beaumont-sur-Oise wa s given by Philip III to Louis o f Evreu x i n Februar y 1285, and i t passe d t o Louis * heir Philip , wh o wa s kin g o f Navarr e through his wife Jeanne: Wood, The French Apanages, 30; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:279-8 1 (who o n 279 incorrectly designate s Loui s o f Evreu x a s coun t o f Beaumont-Ie-Roger) . Thei r so n Charles the Bad relinquished th e county o f Beaumont-sur-Oise (an d other territory) to King John II by the treaty of Mantes of 22 February 1354. By this treaty Charles received in exchange the county of Beaumont-le-Roger and other lands confiscated from Robert of Artois (which Philip VI had bestowed in 1344 on his son Philippe of Orléans and which John II had taken back from Philippe, his brother, in 1353): AN, J 615, no. 12; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:175-76 ; Van Kerrebrouck, Les Valois, 84, 91-92 nn. 38, 42. King John subsequently gav e Beaumont-sur-Oise to his brother Philippe, who held the county in 1366: ibid., 91 n. 38; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 3:177. After Philippe died in 1375 the county remained with his widow Blanche until her death in 1393, after which it passed to Charles VI's brother Louis, who had been awarded it in 1386: Van Kerrebrouck, Les Valois, 229-30; Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 1:97-98 , 104 , 204-5 ; Douët-d'Arcq , Recherches historiques, cxxxiv-xxxv , 121-22, no. CLXXXIV (whose accoun t contain s a number o f error s an d sometime s confuse s Beaumont-Ie-Roger an d Beaumont-sur-Oise) . Naturall y enough , th e coun t o f Beaumont-sur-Ois e does no t appea r i n th e lis t o f thos e presen t i n th e Parlement when th e decre e regardin g Rober t o f Artois was handed down on 6 April 1332: AN, JJ 20, fols. 129v, 231r; BN, fr, 18437, fol. 90v. Nor, as Montfaucon lon g ag o note d (Les monumens de la monarchie français, 2:246) , would th e coun t o f Beaumont-sur-Oise hav e bee n seate d abov e th e peers ; perhap s confuse d b y th e county' s comple x history, Montfauco n sai d nothing o f th e actual incumbent i n 1332.

42 Like thos e o f hi s forebears , Robert' s arm s wer e semé de France au lambel de quatre pendons de gueules, chaque pendant chargé de trois châteaux d'or: Anselme , Histoire généalogique, 1:381 . The arms shown i n the illustrations hav e only three labels but otherwise seem correct .

43 "Seance des dvcs et Pairs Seans avec le Roy Philippe VT de Valois En la ville Damiens le ix.e iour de Iuin lan de grace M iiic xxix. au iugement du procès Criminel faict a Robert DArtois Comte de Beaumont, telle quelle se trouue dans vn registre dudict procès qui est en la chambre des comptes de Paris": BN, Estampes, Oa 11 , fol. 3 2 (fig. 3, above).

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solemn assemblies. On 9 June 1329, in contrast, commissioners named by Philip VI two days earlier assembled in Amiens to begin hearing testimony regarding Robert's claims to Artois. In this case the error is easy enough to explain, since the volumes of proceedings open with an exemplification o f the royal commission issued at Amiens on 9 June and with the record of the depositions heard on that date44. The important question, however , i s whether thi s mistak e an d the erroneou s identificatio n o f th e arms of Bohemia as those of Beaumont impugn the reliability of the depiction itself. Was the artis t a s inventive (an d careless) in rendering the image tha t he had befor e him a s h e (o r th e scrib e wh o wrot e th e inscriptions ) wa s i n designatin g an d commenting o n it?

Bernard de Montfaucon believe d tha t th e Gaignières drawing accuratel y repre -sented th e miniatur e foun d i n "th e on e o f th e tw o [illustrated ] manuscript s o f th e Chambre des comptes which represented things in better order."45 This suggests that the Chambre des comptes possessed two volumes (rather than a single one) in which the sessio n wa s illustrated ; Montfauco n als o kne w th e illuminate d cop y i n th e Harlay collection 46. H e implie s tha t h e himsel f wa s familia r wit h thes e thre e illustrated manuscripts , but he did not say outright that he had seen three full-pag e miniatures; th e accoun t tha t accompanie s hi s plat e indee d indicate s tha t h e wa s acquainted wit h n o mor e tha n two . Thus , i n discussin g th e arm s o f th e kin g o f Bohemia (whic h h e realize d Gaignières' artist had misidentifie d a s thos e o f Beau -mont-sur-Oise) h e sai d that they wer e "not precisely th e sam e in two [rathe r than three] paintings tha t I have seen" - and there are indeed smal l differences betwee n those shown in the Harlay miniature, on the one hand, and, on the other, those in the Gaignières drawing (and in the Mostyn manuscript, which we shall discuss below)47. Likewise, Montfaucon contraste d the arrangement of th e eight men grouped in the center o f th e illustratio n "i n on e o f th e paintings " wit h tha t "i n another , whic h served as the basi s fo r th e plate tha t we present here" 48 Additionally , commentin g generally that the peers were not represented in the order in which they would have sat, he remarked tha t "the first artis t and painter took car e to signa l thi s by notin g 'They ar e no t painte d a s the y shoul d sit , bu t th e orde r i s give n o n th e precedin g

44 AN, JJ 20, fols. 4v-22v; AN, J 439, no. 3; L'Averdy, "Notice, " 483-85; Hennin, Les monuments de l'histoire de France, 4:282.

45 "L a planche que je donne ici est tirée d'après la peinture qu'en a fait faire M. de Gagnieres sur celui des deux Manuscrit s d e l a Chambr e de s Comptes , qu i representoi t le s chose s e n meilleu r ordre" : Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:246 . See also the next note .

46 "Cett e célèbr e séance , qu'o n appell e Li t d e Justice , se trouv e représenté e e n peintur e dan s deux Manuscrits d e l a Chambre des Comptes , & dans u n autre qu i appartient a M^ le Gard e des Sceau x [Louis-Germain de Chauvelin]": Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:246; see n. 39 above.

47 "I l est pourtant vrai, qu'il y a quelque variété dans ces armes de Bohême, qu'elles ne sont pas tout à fait les même s dan s deu x peinture s qu e j'a i vues , & qu'elle s n e s'accorden t pa s bie n ave c celle s qu e le s Auteurs d e blason donnent au x Rois de Bohême; mai s ces variations se trouvent s i souven t dans les armoiries, comme nous avons observé plusieurs fois, que cela ne doit point arrêter": Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:246-47 .

48 Montfaucon , Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:247 ("... dan s une des peintures; & dans une autre, d'après laquell e a été dessinée la planche que nous donnons ici").

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foho*" - the notation that appears twice on the Harlay miniature49. These statements prove onl y tha t Montfauco n ha d see n th e Harla y manuscrip t an d on e othe r illustration. He may indeed have gone to the Chambre des comptes to view the two illustrated manuscripts that he said existed there, but his references to two paintings that he had seen suggest that he may simply hav e compared the Harlay illustratio n with th e Gaignières watercolor. Montfauco n certainl y care d abou t accurac y an d should have checked his sources 50. On th e other hand, he was elderly and, further, would hav e bee n likel y t o tak e o n trus t th e informatio n provide d b y Gaignières' artist. In the preface to the first volume of hi s Monumens de la monarchie françoise he lavished praise and gratitude on Gaignières, a friend without whose work, he said, he could never have hoped to finish his own, and in his work he repeatedly utilized drawings copied from Gaignières' collection rather than having images redrawn from the originals 51.

In treating the tria l of Rober t o f Artois, Montfaucon expresse d similar apprecia-tion t o an d admiratio n fo r Antoine Lancelot. Lancelo t ha d furnishe d hi m wit h a study that , h e declared , h e ha d ofte n use d fo r hi s ow n accoun t o f th e affair ; h e proclaimed that Lancelot "distinguished himself constantly by his important discov-eries regarding a number of points concerning the history of France."52 The work on which Montfaucon dre w must have been Lancelot's first stud y o f the Artois affair, an impassioned justification o f the conduct of King Philip VI of Valois; although not pubhshed until 1733, three year s afte r th e appearanc e o f Montfaucon' s secon d volume, i t wa s presente d t o th e Académie de s Inscriptions et Belles-Lettre s on 22 April 1727, three years before Montfaucon' s volum e was published. I n this firs t study Lancelo t did not discuss his sources, but Montfaucon ma y have learned fro m him of the illustrated copy i n the Chambre des compte s that resembled the Harla y manuscript. Havin g independen t knowledg e o f th e Gaignières watercolor, h e may simply have assumed tha t there were two illustrated copies in that repository, wit h whose content s Gaignières had been intimately familiar .

Having graciousl y acknowledge d Lancelot' s assistance , Montfauco n mus t hav e been take n abac k when , i n a pape r o n Artois delivered o n 21 July 1733 to th e Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Lancelot denounced the drawing of the trial reproduce d i n the Monumens. I n the secon d paper Lancelo t attacke d Gaigni-ères' artist as "a very careless copyist" and charged that he had produced a drawing "completely differen t fro m th e one in the manuscripts"; Lancelot declared what he termed "les miniatures originales" "more consistent with the real disposition of the

49 "L e premier dessinateur & peintr e a eu soi n d'averti r d e cel a e n ce s termes : / / ne sont pas pains si comme il doivent seoir; mais l'ordre est ou feuillet precedent": Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoke, 2:247 . Montfaucon accurately reproduces the text of the two notations on BN, fr. 18437, fol. 2r, which he must have seen; see n. 18 above.

50 Brown and Cothren, "Twelfth-Centur y Crusadin g Window," 6-7, 3 4 n. 140. 51 Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, l:vi; Brown , Oxford Collection of the

Drawings of Roger de Gaignières, 2-3. The papers of Montfaucon contain numerous drawings copied from Gaignières' portfolios; see , e.g., BN , fr . 15634, nos. 2/195-39/232; fr. 15635, nos. 1/3-9/11 .

52 Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 2:24 4 ("qui se signal e tou s le s jour s de s découvertes considerables sur plusieurs points de l'Histoire de France").

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session"-although he did not discuss the accuracy of the actual attendance indicated by th e coats o f arm s on th e miniatures53.

Lancelot's attack is unsettling. Montfaucon, thoug h aged, was alive (and publish-ing) in 1733, and it is difficult t o imagine that Lancelot would not have been able to discover fro m hi m th e existenc e o f a n additiona l illustrate d manuscrip t i n th e Chambre de s compte s had i t bee n there . However , Montfauco n migh t no t hav e known himsel f precisel y wher e i n the Chambre de s compte s Gaignières ' artist had found the illustrated volume on which he said he was relying. Gaignières had died in 1715, and althoug h hi s usua l artist , Loui s Boudan , wa s aliv e whe n Gaignières* property wa s inventorie d soo n afte r hi s death , th e artis t the n testifie d tha t h e ha d worked for Gaignières for forty-five years , and it seems unlikely that he survived his master for as long as fifteen years 54. Thus a volume used by Gaignières' artist could have disappeared from sigh t between th e time the illustration was copied an d 1730.

There remain s th e possibility , whic h Lancelo t raised , tha t Gaignières' copyist created his own impressionistic version of a far simpler miniature that he saw in the Chambre de s comptes , the one that Lancelo t knew . Hi s renditio n could have bee n influenced, fo r example , by th e depictions o f th e monarch seate d under a dais with hangings decorated with fleurs de lis that from the reign of Charle s VII were foun d on solem n seal s o f majesty 55; he could hav e embroidered hi s depiction wit h detail s borrowed from such sources as the miniature ascribed to Fouquet showing Charle s VII a t Vendôme in 1458 (fig. 5), although neithe r tha t illustratio n no r an y othe r known to us bears any marked similarity to the Gaignières watercolor56. To assume this is, of course , to call into question the fidelity wit h which Gaignières' artist and copyist worke d i n producing th e reproduction s tha t were sai d to b e "copie d fro m monuments."57

As Jean-Bernard de Vaivre has remarked, the degree of precision of the Gaignières drawings ha s lon g bee n debated , an d Vaivre acknowledge s tha t i n som e instance s (particularly i n th e cas e o f staine d glas s windows ) th e rendition s ma y no t b e completely accurate . O n th e othe r hand , Vaivre ha s repeatedl y demonstrate d th e reliability o f th e Gaignières drawings o f tomb s an d paintings , an d th e man y manuscripts copie d fo r Gaignières that stil l exis t bea r witnes s t o th e scrupulou s fidelity o f th e grea t majority o f th e copie s mad e for him 58. Take, for example , th e

53 Lancelot, "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Robert d'Artois," 620-21 ("il faut que le dessinateur de M. de Gaignières ait esté un copiste fort peu exact, son plan est tout différent de celuy des manuscrits"; "Les miniature s originales , plu s conforme s à l a vray e dispositio n d e l a séanc e .. .") . A n in-hous e memorandum concernin g th e Mostyn manuscript prepare d a t Quaritc h i n 1925 (see n . 64 below) attributed to Montfaucon himsel f th e copy o f the drawing; assuming like Lancelot that the plate was based o n a miniature resembling the Harlay illustration , the author of th e memorandum sai d that i t had been "copied, very meretriciously, an d engraved."

54 Duplessis, "Inventaire," esp. 278, 292; Grandmaison, "Gaignières," esp. 213-18 (1891) , 12-44 (1892). 55 Dalas, Corpus des sceaux, 250, no. 168 (Charles VII); 282-83, nos. 210, 212 (Charles VTII); 297, no.

217 (Louis XII) . 56 See 39 esp. n . 34 above. 57 The title pages of the volume of Gaignières drawings that contains the depiction of the Artois trial and

of th e nex t volum e stat e tha t the y ar e dedicate d t o "Rois e t Reine s d e France , e t Personne s d e différentes Qualités ; Dessinés su r des Monumens": BN , Estampes , Oa 11-12.

58 Vaivre , "Le s dessin s des tombes, " esp . 68 ; idem , "Le s dessin s de s tombeaux, " esp . 62 ; idem, "Le s armoiries de Jean Germain," esp. 326-28; idem, "Les armoiries de Pierre de Mortain," esp. 31; idem,

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Gaignières watercolo r (fig. 7) of th e presentatio n miniatur e i n th e cop y o f Jea n Corbechon's translatio n o f De proprietatibus rerum o f Bartholomaeu s Anglicu s made for Tanneguy du Chastel an d his wife Jeanne of Malestroi t betwee n 1462 and 1477, which Gaignières acquired (fig. 8) 59. The copy of the miniature is impressively accurate except for the fact that Gaignières' artist lengthened the scene to show more of th e enclosure surroundin g th e parquet , an d displace d an d stylized th e ex libris, setting it direcdy under the miniature rather than at the bottom o f the page (which the artist did not reproduce). In every other respect the reproduction of the scene is perfectly reliable ; predictably, Montfaucon used the Gaignières drawing rather than the original as the basis for the engraving that he included in the third volume of his Monumens (fig . 9) 60. All thing s considered , i t seems unlikely tha t Gaignières' artist willfully distorted and elaborated the drawing of the Artois trial that he was copying. Thus it remains possible and indeed seems hkely that the Chambre des comptes once possessed a copy o f th e proceedings agains t Artois decorated with a miniature like the one in the Gaignières watercolor, reproduce d in Montfaucon's Monumens.

One additiona l cop y o f th e volum e o f proceeding s i n th e Artois affair survive s today, but until its current provenance is estabhshed its origin cannot be determined or hypothesized . I n th e lat e nineteent h centur y i t belonge d t o Edwar d Lloyd -Mostyn, baro n Mosty n (1795-1884), of Mosty n Hall , Cheshire , England . H e inherited i t from Si r Thomas Mostyn , wh o ha d acquire d i t and a number o f othe r manuscripts fro m Dr . Thomas Hobar t (d . 1728), fellow o f Christ' s College , Cam -bridge, and an active collector of manuscripts in the early eighteenth century61. The volume was fully described in 1874, when its contents were inventoried in the Fourth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts; again i n 1920, when Sotheby, Wilkinson an d Hodge sol d i t t o Quaritc h in London a t an auction o f the Mostyn manuscripts; and again in 1925, when Quaritch was negotiating its sale62. Its

"Dessins inédits, " esp. 102-4; idem, "Sur troi s primitifs, " passim, esp . 131-35, 144-45 , 15 4 n. 5; Sterling, La peinture médiévale, 136 , 190-91 . In "Sur troi s primitifs, " 132 , Vaivre comments, "La comparaison des dessins de Gaignières avec les originaux copiés, lorsqu'ils nous sont parvenus, permet, en tout eu t d e cause , d'apprécie r l a fidélité des relevés , u n souci d'exactitud e notabl e e t un sens du Moyen Age qui peut sembler aujourd'hui relatif , mais qui n'en est pas moins tout à fait exceptionne l pour l'époque."

59 BN , Estampes , O a 12 , fol . 9 ; BN , fr . 22532 , fol . 9r ; the presentatio n miniature is reproduce d i n Hanley, The Li t de Justice, 38, fig. 2 (Fr. ed. , fig . 2 following 256), and i n Beaune , Le miroir du pouvoir, 91 . Tanneguy *s arms ar e found i n th e uppe r corners of th e presentation miniature , fol. 9r; those of his wife on foL 317v (for which see BN, Clairambaul t 130, p. 1375 [19 March 1481]); we are grateful to Hervé Pinoteau for his help in identifying thes e armorial bearings and for his advice on the Clairambault document . Th e manuscrip t mus t hav e bee n mad e betwee n th e dat e o f Tanneguy' s marriage to Jeanne in 1462 and his death in 1477. On him and his wife, who took the arms of her father Jean IV Raguenel, lord of Malestroit, Anselme, Histoire généalogique, 8:359,489; Le Mené, "Généalo-gie," 15-16 .

60 Montfaucon , Les monumens de la monarchie françoise, 3:34 , and pi. VTII, facing. Byrne discusses the miniature, Montfaucon's interpretation of it, and its likely dependence on the depiction of Charles VII at Vendôme in 1458 (fig. 5), in "Rex imago Dei," 108-12.

61 Venn an d Venn , Alumni Cantabrigienses, pt . 1 (From the Earliest Times to 17S1), vol . 2 (Dabbs-Juxton), s.v . "Hobart , Thomas. " We ar e gratefu l t o Christophe r de Hamel fo r directin g u s t o thi s source.

62 "Notes o f th e Manuscripts, " 363, no. 277; Catalogue of Very Important Illuminated and Other Manuscripts, 3-4, lot 4, and illustration; for 1925, n. 64 below.

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dimensions (273 by 338 mm.) and its physical characteristics, as well as its incipit and explicit an d th e notaria l signature s an d tw o illustration s i t contains , sho w tha t i t resembles the Harlay copy and, in all likelihood, the illustrated copy in the Chambre des comptes known to Lancelot 63. Accordin g to an internal memorandum prepared in 1925 for Quaritch, it had a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century leathe r binding, with a stamp "divided quarterly 1 and 4 a fleur d e lys, 2 and 3 a bee."64 Since Dr. Hobar t acquired th e manuscrip t i n th e earl y eighteent h century , neithe r Lancelo t no r Montfaucon could have known it. The seventeenth-century inventories of Godefro y

63 See n. 26 above. None of the descriptions of the Mostyn manuscript indicates the presence of any list of peers like the one in the Harlay volume (and in the illustrated manuscript of the Chambre des comptes) which precedes the full-page illustration; on 109-10 above, we consider the possibility that the Parlement of Paris also possessed a manuscript with a similar list. The Mostyn manuscript commences with a short description o f th e content s o f th e volum e ("L'exile d u Comt e d'Artoi s pa r le Parlemen t d e Pari s l'an 1331"), which states that rubrics outlining the contents "en ces 2 fueillez ensuient." This suggests that the volume opens with these rubrics rather than with an enumeration of peers. The author of the description in "Note s o f th e Manuscripts " ha d difficult y decipherin g th e firs t phrase s o f th e rubrics , bu t hi s transcription nonetheless shows that they are the same as those at the beginning of the Harlay manuscript (BN, fr . 18437, fols. 2v-4r) and the first segment of AN, JJ 20 (fols. lr-3r).

64 This memorandu m contain s quotation s fro m letter s writte n b y Henr i Omon t o f th e Bibliothèque nationale on 22 and 31 January 1925; the manuscript wa s sold to Kar l W. Hiersemann o f Leipzi g for £ 85 0 on 16 February 1925, and the memorandum was in all likelihood drafted in connection with the sale b y o r fo r Edmun d Hun t Dring , th e managin g directo r o f Quaritch , wh o corresponde d wit h Omont abou t th e manuscript . Th e memorandu m begin s wit h a revise d versio n o f th e descriptio n found i n th e sal e catalogu e o f 13 July 1920, saying tha t th e kin g was "presidin g a t a Lit de Justice" (rather than "at an Assembly or Council"), adding to the description of the binding the date "14th (?) century," an d statin g tha t i t was "stampe d with a large diaper pattern withi n a n ornamental frame " (rather than "stamped with roll s of grotesqu e animals in diagonal lines") . Referring to the volume as "an original official copy of the procès," the memorandum describes the full-page illustration and gives a passably accurate account of the contributions of Montfaucon, Lancelot , and Couderc to the history of the trial's records. The author of the memorandum says that his "opinion that the miniatures in this copy wer e superio r to those in the [Harla y manuscript ] [was] confirmed b y letter s fro m [Omont]." This i s a n exaggeration, fo r althoug h o n 22 January 1925 Omont wrot e Drin g that "la miniature de votre volume est bien supérieure, comme vous l'avez bien remarquée, à celle du nôtre," he had not seen the Mosty n drawin g bu t onl y th e photograp h o f i t i n th e sal e catalogie ; thu s h e mus t hav e bee n deferring to Dring, who judged the drawing in the Mostyn manuscript "much more delicate" than that in th e Harla y volume . Dring , likewise , wa s basin g hi s judgmen t o n photographs , i n hi s case o f th e Harlay illustration; had he seen the original he would not have stated that although the king's robe in the Mostyn miniature was decorated with fleurs de Ik, this was not true of the Harlay illustration. The memorandum quoted with apparent approval Omont's judgment (given in a letter of 31 January 1925) that the register in the AN cam e from "l'ancienne Chambre des Comptes" (see n. 25 above) and that the Mosty n an d Harla y manuscript s "semblent bie n avoir été exécuté s l'u n e t l'autr e pou r quelqu e grand personnage du temps." The memorandum end s by stating that the Mostyn manuscrip t has the bookplate o f Si r Thomas Mosty n an d "th e writte n dat e (o f purchase ) 1744." Preceding thi s i s th e following descriptio n o f th e binding: "Th e bindin g i s possibl y contemporary , bu t I thin k mor e probably 15t h century. I have been unable to trace any record of the tools used in the ornamentation; they are as follows: a small lozenge (about 15 mm. square), a beast with a crane on his back pecking at his tail , a smaller lozeng e wit h a beast, hea d turned , holdin g hi s crooked tai l i n hi s mouth , a panel (30 mm. x 12 mm.), tw o dragon s meeting , thei r necks entwined . The mos t importan t stam p i s on e divided quarterly 1 and 4 a fleur de lys, 2 and 3 a bee. This stamp surrounded by twelve small punches forms th e centre of eac h diaper and also appears at the corners . The origina l bosse s an d clasps have disappeared." We are exceedingly gratefu l t o Richard A. Linentha l an d to Bernard Quaritch Ltd . fo r providing us with copies of the internal papers related to the Mostyn manuscript and for permitting us to publish extracts from them .

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and Dupuy show that it could not have been taken from the Trésor des chartes, but it could conceivabl y hav e bee n extracte d fro m th e Chambre de s comptes , which suffered scandalou s losse s eve n befor e th e fire o f 1737 caused th e destruction an d dispersal of mos t o f it s holdings 65. Alternatively , i t might b e one o f the two copie s that th e librar y o f th e Louvr e possesse d i n th e lat e fourteent h an d fifteent h centuries66. The miniature at the commencement, illustrate d in the sale catalogue of 1920 (fig. 2), closely resemble s th e large illustration i n the Harlay manuscript ; th e artist's styl e i s slightl y different , an d the pictur e lack s th e notation s foun d o n th e Harlay illumination , bu t i n al l othe r respect s i t i s comparable . Whateve r th e provenance of the Mostyn volume its large miniature demonstrates that the artist or artists responsibl e fo r illustratin g th e volumes relatin g t o th e Artois affair showe d little inventivenes s i n thei r work . I t provide s additiona l evidenc e o f th e unusua l nature o f th e illuminatio n copie d b y Gaignières' artist67 an d o f th e importanc e attributed to th e trial of Rober t o f Artois in the mid-fourteenth century .

65 Nortier, "Le sor t des archives dispersées," esp. 461, 470-71 . Nortier describe s a s wel l th e late r depredations suffere d b y th e Chambre de s compte s (471-73) , on whic h se e als o Brown, Oxford Collection of the Drawings of Roger de Gaignières, 61-71 ; eadem an d Baudouin-Matuszek , "Un scandale étouffé," esp. 241.

66 See n. 29 above. 67 As ye t effort s t o locat e th e manuscrip t hav e bee n fruitless . Althoug h accordin g t o th e Nationa l

Registry o f Archive s in Chancery Lane, London, the manuscript was acquired from Quaritch b y the Bibliothèque national e in Paris , this i s no t th e case; we than k Susa n Reynolds fo r th e inquiries sh e made for us in London. Quaritch was anxious for the manuscript to go to France and on 27 January 1925 offered i t to the Bibliothèque nationale after Karl W. Hiersemann of Leipzig expressed interest in it. However, i n a letter to Dring of Quaritch dated 31 January 1925, Henri Omont rejected the offer , remarking "Quan t à l'acquisition possible de c e manuscrit , nou s n' y pouvon s présentemen t songe r avec le s crédit s don t nou s disposons , e t d'autan t qu e l a miniature seul e pourrai t entre r e n compte , puisque nous avons déjà deux textes à Paris." Thus the manuscript was sold to Hiersemann: see n. 64 above. Hiersemann' s papers , now housed i n Zentralantiquariat Leipzig GmbH , contain no informa -tion regarding th e manuscript' s fate ; we ar e grateful t o Kur t Grofile r fo r hi s inquirie s there o n ou r behalf.

121

A P P E N D I X I I

A N O N Y M O U S M E M O R A N D U M O N ROYA L SESSION S I N TH E PARLEMENT OF PARI S

See 75-76, 79-8 1 above. This editio n i s base d o n th e copy i n BN , Cin q Cent s de Colbert 212, fols. 210r-v, 213r-v. It contains notations apparently written by one of the Godefroys , wh o pubhshe d th e tex t i n Le Ceremonial François, 2:427-28 . Significant variations in their edition are noted. Another seventeenth-century copy is preserved among papers related to the Ceremonial, i n AN, K K 1428, fols. 225r-27v (also paginated as part 3, fols. 23r-25r, of the section where it appears, which begins on fol. 211r); it is entitled "Discours Touchant Le Lit de Justice des Roys fait par Le Greffier D u Tille t ver s 1550" ; notes o n fol . 225 r and in th e Table (fol . 457r ) state that it is published i n the Ceremonial-, notes concernin g the tex t are found o n fols. 247r-48r. This cop y lack s th e firs t an d las t sentences . Sinc e th e reading s ar e ofte n corrupt and sometimes nonsensical , variant s ar e not noted.

The copy edited here came to Colbert from Mathieu Mole (1584-1656), who became a conseiller in th e Parlement of Pari s whe n h e wa s twenty-tw o an d ros e to becom e royal procurato r genera l an d trésorier et garde des chartes (1614-41), and late r firs t president of the Parlement of Paris. His father, Edouard (ca. 1550-1616), was a lawyer in the Parlement of Paris in 1567 and became a president in 1602 \ Th e connections o f the Moles with the Parlement of Paris explain Mole's interest in this memorandum. He seems likely to have acquired his copy from Theodore or Denys Godefroy . H e knew Theodore well, and it was Mole who in 1615 had him and Pierre Dupuy appointed t o inventory the contents of the Trésor des chartes2. The careful Roman script of Mole' s copy resemble s the writing found i n many othe r copies preserved i n the Godefroys' archives. The paper on whic h th e memorandum i s transcribed has a watermark tha t was associated with the families of Leclerc and Denise for many decades, from the end of the sixteenth well into the seventeenth century 3.

* * * *

De la Seance des Rois de France en la Cour de Parlement d e Paris; Soit lors qu'ils tiennent leurs Licts de Iustice, ou qu'il y ait Iour de Conseil; Ou bien qu'ils assistent aux Plaidoyez 4.

1 Delaborde , "Etud e su r l a constitutio n d u Tréso r de s Chartes, " clxxxj-cciij . Mathie u Mole's lif e i s discussed in the introduction to Mole, Mémoires, 4:xv-lviii; see also Maugis, Hktoire du Parlement de Park, 3:299, 329 (Edouard); 322 (Mathieu).

2 Mole , Mémoires, 1:1-4 , 58 . 3 Briquet , Les filigranes, 1:96, an d nos. 1163-66 . 4 I n Le Cérémonial Françok, ed. Godefroy, 2:427 , the memorandum is entitled: "Dkcovrs svr la Seance

des Roys de France en leurs Cours de Parlemens, en trok sortes. Soi t lors qu'ils tiennent leurs Licts de

122

Le Lict de Iustice du Roy ne se tient5 qu'au Parlement de Paris, qui est la Cour des Pairs6. E t quan d i l plais t a u diet Seigneur l e teni r ailleur s qu' à Paris , i l remec t e t assigne so n Parlemen t o u bo n lu y semble , & quelque s foi s a est é transport é à Montargis, Vendosme, e t autre s Villes.

7Le diet Lict d e Iustic e n' a accoustum é estr e ten u qu e pou r chos e concernan t uniuerselement l'Esta t du Roy. Comme il aduint du temps du Roy Charles VI. pour publier e t auctorise r l'Ordonnanc e pa r luy faicte , qu'i l n' y auroi t plu s d e Regent pour l a minorité de s Rois , D u temp s du fe u Ro y François 8 pou r s a rançon, & l e recouurement d e Messeigneurs ses enfans, Ostages 9, o u pour iuger la personne, o u de l'honneu r d'u n Pai r d e France ; C e qu i s e trouu e faic t contr e plusieurs , E t es t indécis s i pour iuger un Prince du Sang, est nécessaire tenir le Lict de Iustice .

Quand l e Ro y tien t so n Lic t d e Iustice , le s Officier s d e so n Parlemen t son t e n robbes rouges 10, Le s Presiden s portan s leur s manteaux , & le Greffie r so n épitoge , soit hyuer, soi t esté .

Aux haut s sieges sont le s Princes du Sang , Pairs , et autre s Seigneurs , ausquel s i l plaist au Roy donner ce rang. Aux pieds du Roy sur les degrez, selon leur ordre, sont couchez le s grand , e t premie r Chambellans , e t l e Preuos t d e Paris : Au dedan s d u Parquet, es Sieges bas sont les Chancelier de France, Presidens, 6c Conseillers du diet Parlement. Les Huissiers de Chambre sont à genoux, dans le diet Parquet, deuant le Roy, tenan s chascu n un e uerg e e n l a main, E t y a au dedans d u Parquet plusieur s formes, pour les Archeuesques , Euesques , Ambassadeurs, Cheualiers de l'Ordre, e t autres Seigneurs, ausquel s n'est donn é heu aux hauts sieges.

nSi c'es t Conseil , et qu'il faut12 opiner, nul n'entre après le Roy, que ceux qui ont Opinion, e t sont du diet Conseil.

Quant le Roy uient en son Parlement pour honorer sa Iustice, et sans tenir Lict, les Officiers d u diet Parlement ne sont uestus qu e de robbes noires, à l'ordinaire.

Si c'est au Conseil, le Roy a accoustumé se seoir en une chaire de parement, qui est au dedans du diet Parquet, & non en son haut siege. Les Chancelier, & Presidens, au banc, qui es t a u dessous de s hauts sieges des gen s d'Eglise. Le s Princes du Sang, et Pairs laies, aux bas sieges, qui sont au dessous de leurs hauts sieges. Et les Cardinaux, et Pair s d'Eglise , e s ba s sieges, qui son t à l'opposit e d u cost é de s Chambre s de s Enquestes; Et les Conseillers, au banc de deuant le Roy, & au second banc, à l'entour du diet Parquet.

Iustice pour affaire s qui concernent le general du Royaume. O u qu'i l y ai t iour de Conseil . O u bie n qu'ils assistent au x Plaidoyez"; the portions italicized here differ fro m the manuscript .

5 Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy , 2:427, adds, "le plus souuent." 6 Marginal notation : "Depuis le s Roi s on t auss i ten u leur s Lict s de Iustice à Rouen, à Bordeaux, & à

Toulouse"; i n Le Ceremonial Françok, ed . Godefroy , 2:427 , "Le s Roys ont depui s auss i ten u leurs Licts de Iustice à Rouen, Bordeaux, & à Thoulouse."

7 Margina l notation : "1 . Licts d e Justice"; i n Le Ceremonial Françok, ed . Godefroy , 2:427 , "Lic t d e justice."

8 I n Le Ceremonial Françok, ed . Godefroy, 2:428 , "du feu Roy Françoi s I." 9 Le Ceremonial François, ed. Godefroy, 2:428 , adds "En Espagne."

10 Margina l notation : "Il s on t est é quelque s foi s e n robe s noires. " The sam e notation appears (wit h robbes rather than robes) in Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy , 2:428 .

11 Margina l notation : "2 . Conseil" ; i n Le Ceremonial Françok, ed . Godefroy , 2:428 , "Seance au Conseil."

12 faille, i n Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy, 2:428 .

123

13Si c'est au Plaidoyé, le Roy est assis en son haut siege. En son costé senestre , les Chancelier, Presidens, Cardinaux, et Pairs d'Eglise. A son costé dextre les Princes de son Sang, Pairs laies, Connestable, Gouuerneurs de Pays, et autres grands Seigneurs, qu'il plaist au Roy honorer de ce rang. S'il demeure place à l'un et à l'autre costé, les Maistres de s Requestes , o u plu s ancien s Conseiller s l a prennent , chascu n e n so n rang; Les autres sont aux bas sieges du diet Parquet.

Se trouue 14 qu'aprè s le s Entrées de s Roi s il s son t uenu s a u diet Parlement pour honorer, e t recommander leur Iustice, premièrement a u Iour de Conseil , pui s pour assister au Plaidoyé.

C'est c e qu e l'o n a pe u tire r de s Registre s du diet Parlement, pou r telle s Assemblées c y deuan t faictes .

le croy que le Recueil que dessus est du Greffier du Tillet, Et a esté faict entre l'an 1550 et 1563 15.

13 Margina l notation: "3 . Plaidoyez"; in Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy, 2:428 , "Plaidoyé. " 14 "I l se trouve ordinairement...," in Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy , 2:428 . 15 Le Ceremonial Françok, ed. Godefroy , 2:428 , omits this sentence.

124

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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MS 554 (1159) (XIX A 9) (Seventeenth-century collection of material concerning ceremo-nies, compiled for the princes of Condé, grands-maîtres of France)

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1388-1419) KK 815 (Seventeenth- an d eighteenth-century copie s o f documents concernin g regencies ,

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125

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U 2013 (Sixteenth- an d seventeenth-centur y copie s o f document s concernin g th e histor y of th e Parlement, 1318-58 , owned b y Jean Le Nain)

U 206 1 (Jea n Le Nain's extracts from register s o f th e Conseil) U 216 8 (Seventeenth-century additions to Jean L e Nain' s extracts fro m register s o f th e

Conseil) U 218 2 (Extracts from register s of mornin g pleadings [Matinées] by Jean Le Nain ) X1A 2 1 (Register o f letter s an d decree s o f th e Parlement of Paris , 25 November 1366-

15 September 1369) X1A 12 6 (Civil registe r o f judgment s o f th e Parlement of Paris , Decembe r 1491-Sep -

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tember 1364-28 August 1372) XIA 147 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Parlement of Paris , Conseil et Plaidoiries réunis, 1 2 No-

vember 1372-7 September 1377) X iA 147 3 (Civil registe r o f th e Parlement of Paris , Conseil et Plaidoiries réunis, 1 3 No-

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vember 1392-21 August 1394) X1A 147 9 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1407-

27 October 1414) X1A 149 1 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 20 September 1483-

10 November 1484) X1A 149 5 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1487-

21 October 1488) X1A 150 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1492-

9 November 1493) X1A 150 4 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1497-

7 September 1499) X1A 151 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November

1504-September 1505) X1A 151 2 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1508-

29 October 1509) X1A 151 7 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1514-

27 October 1515) XIA 151 9 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1516-

17 October 1517) X1A 152 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1517-

20 September 1518) X1A 152 1 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1518-

7 September 1519) X1A 152 3 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1520-

9 November 1521) X1A 152 4 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1521-

8 November 1522)

126

X1A 152 5 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1522-31 October 1523)

X1A 152 6 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1523-31 October 1524)

X1A 152 9 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1525-9 November 1526)

X1A 153 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1526-9 November 1527)

X1A 153 1 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1527-9 November 1528)

XIA 153 2 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1528-10 November 1529)

X1A 153 3 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1529-10 November 1530)

X1A 153 4 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1530-31 October 1531)

X1A 153 9 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1535-10 November 1536)

X1A 154 0 (Civil registe r o f th e Conseil of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1537-17 April 1538)

X1A 154 8 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1541-27 April 1542)

XIA 156 0 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris , 15 April 1547-29 October 1547)

XIA 156 5 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 15 April 1549-8 November 1549)

X ,A 157 1 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1551-16 April 1552)

XIA 158 7 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 1 January 1558-5 April 1558) X ,A 159 6 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 12 November 1560-1 April

1561) X1A 159 7 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 10 April 1561-9 July 1561) X1A 160 2 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 10 May 1562-27 June 1562) X1A 1605 (Civil register of the ConseU of the Parlement of Paris, 15 April 1563-29 July 1563) X1A 160 7 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1563-

5 February 1564) X1A 162 6 (Civil registe r of th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 10 April 1569-8 August

1569) X1A 163 1 (Civil registe r o f th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 12 November 1570-

11 April 1571) X1A 163 7 (Civil registe r of th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 5 July 1572-30 October

1572) XIA 164 0 (Civil registe r of th e ConseU of th e Parlement of Paris , 1 July 1573-27 October

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13 November 1413-13 September 1415)

127

X1A 482 5 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1483-26 October 1484)

X1A 483 3 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 21 November 1491-5 October 1492)

X1A 483 4 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1492-30 October 1493)

X1A 483 9 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 20 November 1497-30 October 1498)

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X1A 485 0 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1508-5 November 1509)

X1A 485 5 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 30 March 1513-8 November 1513)

X1A 485 8 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1514-5 April 1515)

X ,A 490 2 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 13 November 1536-30 March 1537)

X1A 4913 (Civil register of morning pleadings [Matinées] of the Parlement of Paris, 21 April 1541-29 October 1541)

X1A 502 3 (Civil register of morning pleadings [Matinées] of the Parlement of Paris, 23 June 1569-27 August 1569)

XIA 503 1 (Civil registe r o f mornin g pleading s [Matinées] of th e Parlement of Paris , 25 January 1571-23 March 1571)

X1 A 5039 (Civil register of Plaidoiries of the Parlement of Paris, 21 July 1572-30 October 1572) X1A 832 5 (Civil registe r o f afternoo n pleading s [Après-dinées] of th e Parlement of Paris ,

16 November 1497-6 November 1498) X1A 860 2 (Register A of ordonnances of the Parlement of Paris, August 1337-13 November

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Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , Cabinet des estampes (Réserve ) Oa 1 1 (Drawings from the collection of Roge r de Gaignières; Costumes, Louis X-John II ) Oa 12 (Drawings fro m the collection o f Roge r de Gaignières ; Costumes, Charles V)

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale , Cabinet des manuscrit s Collection Cin q Cents de Colbert

MS 212 (Sixteenth- an d seventeenth-centur y memorand a concernin g th e Parlement collected b y Mathieu Mole [1584-1656], the first of fiv e volumes )

MS 500 (Miscellaneous papers of the time of Henry III and Henry IV, [946-1607], dating from th e sixteenth and seventeenth centuries )

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documents concerning dukes , peers , and other nobles , to 1643) Collection Dupu y

MS 240 (Vol. 3 of a collection of miscellaneou s memorand a and discourses) MS fr . 2848 (Presentation cop y o n parchmen t o f Jean d u Tillet's RecueU des Roys fo r

Charles IX )

128

MS fr . 2854 (Presenution cop y o n parchmen t o f Jean d u Tillet's RecueU des Roys fo r Henry II , with inventories of documents; binding decorated with the devices of Henry II )

MS fr. 2856 (Presentation cop y o n parchmen t o f volum e 2 of Jean d u Tillet's RecueU des Angloys fo r Henr y II ; companio n volum e t o M S fr. 2857, the firs t volum e o f th e set )

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MS fr. 4315 (Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century copies of documents relating to the history of France , 1216-1638)

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MS fr. 5108 (Sixteenth-century partia l copy o n paper o f the criminal registe r of the trial of Charles, duke o f Bourbon , 1523-28)

MS fr . 5109 (Register o f th e tria l o f Charles , duk e o f Bourbon , 1523-28, prepared b y Nicolas Malo n fo r Chancello r Antoine Duprat)

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additions i n hand s o f th e sixteent h an d seventeent h centuries , when i t belonge d t o th e family o f L'Isle-Marivaulx )

MS fr . 5784 (Presentation cop y o n parchmen t o f Jean d u Tillet's RecueU des honneurs et rangs des grands fo r Charles IX)

MS fr. 579 0 (Fifteenth-century chronicl e of the dukes of Alençon, from Pierre , fifth so n of Louis IX , to Jean th e Goo d [d . 1476]; see fr. 5942)

MS fr. 5942 (Fifteenth-century chronicl e o f the dukes of Alençon, from Pierre , fifth so n of Louis IX , t o Jean th e Goo d [d . 1476]; see fr. 5790)

MS fr. 5943 (Fifteenth-century collectio n o f materia l concernin g primarily the tria l o f Jean II, duke o f Alençon; Colbert manuscript )

MSS fr . 15634-35 (Drawings, notes , an d engraving s fo r Les monumens de la monarchie françoise of Bernar d de Montfaucon)

MS fr. 17294 (Miscellaneous paper s o f the sixteenth an d earl y seventeent h century , mosd y belonging to Jean d u Tillet; Saint-Germai n français, Coislin-Séguier )

MS fr. 18437 (Record o f th e sui t an d tria l of Rober t o f Artois, 1329-37 ) MS fr. 18653 (Presentation copy on parchment of the RecueU des Roys fo r Henry II , lacking

inventories o f documents ; bindin g decorated wit h th e entwined initial s of Henr y I I an d Catherine de Medicis)

MS fr . 20355 (Late-fifteenth-century cop y o f th e Grandes Chroniques de France through 1380, with continuatio n t o 1461)

MS fr. 20466 (Vol. 46 of a collection of original letters and documents relating to the histor y of Franc e fro m th e reig n o f Charle s VI I t o tha t o f Loui s XIV , amasse d b y Roge r de Gaignières; letters o f th e Parlements and thei r officials , 1547-1649)

MS fr. 20496 (Letters and mandates of Loui s XI; vol. 14 of a collection o f 17 vols, of paper s belonging to Jean Bourré , royal secretar y an d treasure r [d . 1505])

MS fr. 22532 (Copy of Jean Corbechon's translation of the Livre des proprietez des choses of Barthélémy l'Anglais , made between 1462 and 1477 for Tanneguy du Chastel and his wife Jeanne of Malestroit; Gaignière s collection , 12 bK)

129

MS fr . 23950 (First o f a two-volum e collectio n o f document s concernin g donation s an d confiscations o f lands , fourteenth throug h sixteent h century ; Gaignières collection)

MS lat. 9015 (Collection o f forty-six origina l documents concernin g th e history o f France , 1193-1755)

Rouen, Bibliothèque municipal e MS U 97 (1151) (Copy o f th e chronicle o f Jean Chartier , 1471)

Saint Petersburg , National Librar y o f Russi a MS Fr . F . v . IV , no . 8/1 (Presentation cop y o n parchmen t o f Jean d u Tillet's RecueU des

Roys fo r Henr y II , with inventories of documents ; binding decorated with the devices of Henry II )

MS Fr. F . v. IV, no. 9 (Parchment copy of the presentation copy o f Jean du Tillet's RecueU des Roys fo r Charle s IX )

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avec les Princes de l'Europe, contre les menées de Charles-Quint; principalement à Constan-tinople auprès du Grand-Seigneur; en Angleterre, avec Henry VIII; en Allemagne, avec les Princes de l'Empire; en Italie, avec le Pape & les Vénitiens. Et dans l'Italie sevle, les intrigues de quatre conclaves, & lepouuoir qu'y auoient nos Roys; avec diuerses pratiques sur Naples, Gennes, & Sienne. Les causes de la guerre de Parme, & autres particularitez inconnues dans nos Hktoires. Ovvrage composé de pieces originales, laplvspart en Chiffres, Negotiations, & Instructions, à nos Ambassadeurs; mesme de Minutes de nos Roys, rangées selon l'ordre des temps, & formant comme vn corps d'Histoire. Edited b y Guillaume Ribier . 2 vols . Paris : François Clouzie r e t la Veuve Aubouyn, 1666 .

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INDEX

Académie des Inscriptions e t Belles-Lettres 11 7 admiral of France. See Gouffier, Guillaume (lord of

Bonnivet) Adrien of Sainte-Maure (count o f Nesle; so n of

Charles of Sainte-Maure, count of Nesle, and of Catherine of Estouteville) 5 3 n . 35. See also Nesle, Sainte-Maur e

Agnes of Savoy (countess of Dunois; wife of Fran-çois I, coun t o f Longuevill e an d o f Dunois ; daughter of Louis, duke of Savoy, and of Anne of Cyprus) 47 n. 12. See also Dunois

Albany. See John Stewart (duke of ) Albon, Jacque s d ' (marqui s o f Fronsac , lor d o f

Saint-André, marshal of France ) 86, 88 Albret (Labrit; Landes, ar. Mont-de-Marsan): car-

dinal o f (Amanie u o f Albret , bisho p o f Pa -miers) 53. See Jean of

Alcuin 77 n. 7 Alençon (Orne) : count o f (Charle s II o f Valois)

110; duke of (Charles) 53; lands of house of 63 n. 8. See also Charle s II o f Valois (count of) , Charles, Jean II, René (dukes of )

Alfonso d'Este (brother of Ercole II d'Este, duke of Ferrara) 87 n. 40

Alfonso I I d'Este (son of Ercol e II d'Este, duke of Ferrara, and of Renée of France ) 87 n. 40

Alphonse (count o f Poitiers ) (so n o f Loui s VIII, king of France, and of Blanche of Castile , queen of France ) 51 n. 29. See also Poitiers

ambassadors: position of, a t lits de justke 123. See also Badoer , Giovanni ; legate , papal ; Poland ; Venice; and under Rome , Spain

Amboise (Indre-et-Loire, ar . Tours) : cardina l o f (Georges I o f Amboise , bisho p o f Montauban , archbishop o f Narbonn e an d Rouen ) 53, 54 ; edict of pacification of (1563) 93 . See also Louis (lord of )

Amiens (Somme) 10 6 n. 6, 107 , 115 , 116 Ampulla, Hol y 78 n. 13 André of Beaumon t (lor d o f Bressuire , o f Lezay ,

and of La Mothe-Saint-Héray; husband of Jean-ne o f Torsay , lad y o f Leza y an d o f La Mothe-Saint-Héray) 3 8 n.29. See also Bressuire ; Le -zay; Mothe-Saint-Héray, la

André Cotin (roya l advocate ) 37 n. 26

Andry Marchant (guardian o f th e prévôté of Pa -ris) 37n.2 4

Angelier, Charle s 1*. See L'Angelier, Charle s Angers (Maine-et-Loire): bishopric o f 48 Anglicus, Bartholomaeus . See Bartholomaeus An -

glicus Angoulême (Charente) : count of (Charles of Orlé-

ans) 4 6 n. 8 Anne, Sain t 27-28 Anne (duke of Montmorency, marshal, grand maî-

tre, and constable o f France ; so n of Guillaume, lord of Montmorency, and of Anne Pot) 59-60, 63-64, 84 , 85 , 86 . See also Montmorenc y

Anne d'Este (wife of François, duke of Aumale and of Guise ; daughte r of Ercol e II d'Este, duk e of Ferrara, and of Renée of France ) 87 n. 40

Anne of France (wife of Pierre II of Bourbon, lord of Beauje u an d duk e o f Bourbon ; daughte r o f Louis XI, kin g o f France , an d o f Charlott e o f Savoy, quee n o f France) 43-44

Ansehne de la Vierg e Marie , Père (Pierre Gui -bours) 20 n.4, 113 n.33, 114 n.39

Antoine (lord of Croy , master of the royal house -hold; son of Jean, lord of Croy, and of Margueri-te of Craon ) 37 n. 26. See also Croy

Antoine of Vivonne (lor d of hal f o f Bougoui n an d of Iteuil ) 38 n.29. See also Bougouin , Iteuil , Vivonne

Antoninus Piu s (Roma n emperor ) 50 n.25 (An-thonius)

apanages 51 n.29, 107 n. 7 Apocalypse 76-77 Apostles 76 Aquitaine: barons of 99 n. 8,101 n. 15; primacy of ,

claimed b y archbisho p o f Bourges 64 . See also Guyenne

Argentré, Bertran d d' (historia n o f Brittany ) 25 n.26

Armagnac: county o f 56 Armenia: king of (Leon of Lusignan ) 27 army: payment o f 67; reorganization of 65 n. 13 Artois 105-7 ; peerage of 77 n. 7. See also Mahaut,

Jeanne o f Franc e (countesse s of) , Rober t I , Ro-bert II (counts of) , Rober t III of

assktte (lis t o f attendanc e a t sessio n o f th e Par -

148

lement) 39 n . 36 , 4 0 esp. n.38 , 41 n.40, 80 n.20

Aubert, Félix 2 2 n. 12 Augustinians: house o f (i n Paris ) 88-89 Aumale (Seine-Maritime , ar . Dieppe) : peerag e

of 76, 77 n. 7. See also Claud e o f Lorraine ; François, duke of Lorrain e (dukes of )

Badoer, Giovanni (Venetia n ambassador) 58 Baillet, Thibault (president o f th e Parlement of

Paris) 56 Barillon, Jean (secretary o f Chancello r Antoine du

Prat) 56-57 Barre, Jean de la. See La Barre, Jean de Bartholomaeus Anglicu s 119 , figs. 7-9 Baye, Nicolas de . See Nicolas d e Baye Beaujeu (Rhône , ar . Villefranche-sur-Saône): lor d

of. See Pierre II of Bourbon Beaumont-le-Roger (Eure , ar . Bernay ) 107 , 110 ,

115 esp. n.41, 116 . See also Robert III of Artois (count of )

Beaumont-sur-Oise (Val-d'Oise, ar. Pontoise) 114, 115; arms of coun t o f 114 esp. n.41, 115, 116

Beaurain (Pas-de-Calais, ar . Montreuil-sur-Mer, c . Campagne-lès-Hesdin, cne. Beaurainville ) 36-37, 3 8 n. 27

Beauvais (Oise): bishop of (Louis de Villiers-lTsle-Adam) 46 n. 4; cardinal and bishop of (Jean de Dormans) 24

bed (lit): an d Ik de justke 11,21-22,27-28, 41,67 , 83-84 esp. n.30, fig . 6

Belle, Pierre . See Pierre Bell e Bellière, La (Côtes-d'Armor, ar. Dinan, con. Din -

an-Est, cne . La Vicomté-sur-Rance). See Jeanne of Malestroit (viscountess of), Tanneguy du Cha-stel (viscount of )

Bercy (now withi n Paris , formerl y betwee n Pari s and Charenton) : lor d o f (Nicola s Malon ) 62 n. 3. See also Malon, Nicolas (lor d of )

Bernard Quaritc h Ltd . See Quaritc h Berry. See Jean of France , duke of Bertrand d'Argentr é (historian o f Brittany ) 25

n.26 Bertrand, Jean (keeper of th e seals) 85, 87 Bethsabee (Bathsheba ) 99, 10 1 n. 15 Bible: references to, (by Charles Guillart, president

of th e Parlement of Pari s 1527) 65, (by Jean du Tdlet) 99, 101 , (by the Parlement of Paris 1547) 76. See also Apocalypse , Apostles , Corinthians , Isaiah, Israel , Solomo n

Bibliothèque national e (Paris) 121 n.67. See also Omont, Henr i

Bien publk, Leagu e of the. See League of the Public Weal

Birague, René d e (keeper of th e seals ) 95

black robes. See under Parlement of Paris: color of robes

Blanc, Etienne le . See Le Blanc, Etienne Blanche o f Brittan y (wif e o f Rober t II, coun t o f

Artois; daughter of Jean II, duke of Brittany, and of Beatri x of England) , 107

Blanche of Castile (queen of France; wife of Loui s VIII, kin g o f France ; daughte r o f Alfons o IX , king of Castile, and of Eleanor of England, queen of Castile ) 31-32

Blanche of France (wife of Philippe of France, duke of Orléans, son of Philip VI, king of France, and of Jeanne of Burgundy, queen of France; daugh-ter of Charles IV, king of France, and of Jeanne of Evreux, queen o f France ) 115 n. 41

Blois (Loir-et-Cher): royal library of 34-35 n. 14 Boccaccio, Giovann i 39 n. 34 Bohemia : arms of 114 esp. n. 39,116; king of 110.

See also John of Luxembourg , king of Boisy (Loire , ar . Roanne, con. Roanne-Sud, cne.

Pouilly-les-Nonnains). See Gouffier, Artus (lord of)

Bonne of Luxembourg (first wife of John II, king of France; daughter of John of Luxembourg, king of Bohemia, and of Elizabeth , quee n of Bohemia): psalter of 114 nn. 39-40

Bonnivet (Vienne, ar. Poitiers , con . Neuville-de -Poitou, cne . Vendeuvre-du-Poitou) . See Gouf -fier, Guillaume (lord of )

Bordeaux (Gironde) 12 3 n. 6. See also Parlement of

Boudan, Louis 118 Bougouin (Deux-Sèvres, ar. Niort, con. Celles-sur-

Belle, cne . Fressines , and con . Saint-Maixent -l'Ecole, cne. La Crèche). See Antoine of Vivonne (lord of )

Bourbon (-l'Archambault, Allier, ar. Moulins): car-dinal of (Louis of Bourbon-Vendôme, bishop of Laon) 72, 86 ; duchy o f 51 n. 29; duke o f (Pierre II) 51. See also Marie of Berr y (duches s of), Charle s III, Jean I, Louis I , Pierre II (dukes of), François of (count of Saint-Pol) , François of (count of Vendôme), Louis of (prince of Condé), Louis I of (princ e of L a Roche-sur-Yon), Loui s II of (princ e of La-Roche-sur-Yon) , Charle s of , Charlotte of , Jeann e of , Pierr e II of , Loui s o f Bourbon-Vendôme

Bourdin, Gilles (royal procurato r general ) 84 n. 30, 90-9 1

Boureau, Alain 14 n. 15 Bourgeon, Jean-Louis 12 n. 5, 94 n.21 Bourges (Cher) 20 n.4; archbisho p of , (Guillau-

me III de Boisratier) 37, (Françoi s II de Tour -non) 64

Boutaric, Edgard 28 n. 35 Brabant 107,108. See also Jean III (duke of), Jean of

149

Bréquigny, Louis-George s Oudar t Feudrix de 3 5 n.18

Bressuire (Deux-Sèvres) . See André d e Beaumont (lord of )

Brézé (Maine-et-Loire , ar . Saumur , c . Montreuil -Bellay). See Louis of

Brion (Indre , ar . Châteauroux , c . Levroux) . See Chabot, Philippe (lord of )

Brisson, Barnab e (royal advocate, president o f th e Parlement of Paris ) 71 n. 41

Brittany. See Blanch e of ; François II, Jean IV o f Montfort, Jean V of Montfor t (duke s of )

Bruslart, Noel (roya l procurator general) 84-85 Bry, Gilles (historian o f Alençon) 4 1 n. 40 Bryant, Lawrence M. 82 n. 25 Buigne, Gace de la. See Gace de la Buigne Burdelot, Jean (royal procurator general) 52 Burgundy: anonymou s histor y o f duke s o f 41;

bastard son o f duk e o f (Antoine, le Grand Bâ-tard; son of Philipp e III, duke of), 46 n. 8; duke of (Philippe III) 46 n. 8. See also Eudes IV, Phi-lippe of Franc e (dukes of) , Parlement of

Cabochiens 34-36. See also Ordonnance Cabo-chienne

Calais (Pas-de-Calais , ar . Boulogne-sur-Mer) 87 Caligula (Roman emperor) 50 Camillus, Marcus Furius 67 canopy. See ciel Cappel, Jacques (royal advocate) 58 n. 56,71 n. 41,

72-73 esp. n.46, 98 n. 6 cardinals : position of, at sessions for pleading of the

Parlement of Pari s 124 Carrouges (Orne, ar. Alençon). See Jean (lord of ) De casibus vkorum illustrium 39 n. 34 Catherine o f Courtena y (empres s o f Constantino -

ple; second wife o f Charle s o f France , count o f Valois; daughter of Philipp e o f Courtenay , em -peror of Constantinople , an d of Beatri x of Sici -ly) 107 n. 8

Catherine de Medicis (quee n o f France ; wif e o f Henry II , king of France ; daughte r o f Lorenz o de Medicis and of Madeleine of La Tour) 72-73 n. 46,81 n. 24,82,86,87n. 40,90 n. 2,91,93 n. 13, 98 n. 6, 100-10 1

Cerisay, Guillaume de; Pierre de. See Guillaume de Cerisay, Pierr e de Cerisay

cessante causa, principle of 51 n.29 Chabot, Guy (baro n o f Jarnac) 93 n. 13. See also

Jamac Chabot, Philippe (lord of Brion) 59-60 Châlons-sur-Marne (Marne) : bishop of, (Geoffroy

Floreau) 46 nn. 4 and 8, (Gilles of Luxembourg ) 72

chamberlains, royal: position of , a t sessions o f th e Parlement of Paris 20,21 esp. n. 8,60,64,69-70,

71-72, 7 3 80 esp. n.22, 82, 84, 86, 88, 91, 103- 4 n. 3, 123 . See also François III of Orléans, Louis II of Orléans (dukes of Longueville), Francois of Lorraine (duke of Aumal e an d of Guise )

Chambre des comptes (of Paris) : greffier of (Pierre le Maistre), 71 n.41; records of 21 n.7, 97 n. 2; registers of th e trial of Rober t o f Artois in 110 n.19, 11 1 n.25, 112, 113, 115, 116,117, 12 0 n.64, 121 ; registration of acts in, 37,56 n. 50; request of Charles VIII to 75. See also Le Maistre, Pierre

Champagne: count y o f 110 chancellor o f Franc e 95 n. 25; position of , a t ses-

sions of the Parlement of Paris 29, 40,123,124. See also Du Bourg , Anne ; D u Prat, Antoine; Juvenal des Ursins , Guillaum e (lord o f Roche-fort); Guillaum e d e Dormans ; Gu y (lord o f Rochefort); L'Hospital, Miche l de ; Olivier , François; Poyet , Guillaum e

Charlemagne (emperor ) 18, 76-77 esp. n. 7, 98 Charles IV (emperor) 23 Charles V (emperor , coun t o f Artois and Flan -

ders) 86; trial of , fo r treason , before th e Parle-ment of Pari s 39 n. 36, 57, 58-59, 7 1 esp. n. 41, 72-73, 8 6

Charles IV (king of France) 106, 107 Charles V (king of France) 22-26,29,30,31,33,37

n. 23, 39 , 70 , 98 n. 6, 99-100, 10 2 n. 1 Charles VI (king of France ) 26-30, 32-33, 34-38,

42 n.46, 63 n. 8, 67, 78, 98 n.6, 10 2 n. 1, 123 Charles VII (king of France) 38-42 esp. nn. 29 and

46, 7 4 n. 51, 9 1 n.4, 102 n. 1, 11 9 n. 60 Charles VIII (kin g o f France ) 11, 12 , 43-44 ,

45-49, 52 , 56, 59, 60, 66, 69, 95 n. 25, 102 n. 1 Charles IX (kin g o f France ) 17 n.22, 90-%, 97 ,

100-101 esp. n. 15 Charles I the Bad (king of Navarre) 27, 63, 68, 98

n.6, 102 n. 1, 11 5 n. 41 Charles (duk e o f Alençon; son o f René, duke o f

Alençon, and of Marguerite of Lorraine) 53,56, 58, 59 . See also Alençon

Charles III (duke of Bourbon , count of Montpen -sier; son of Gilbert of Bourbon , count of Mont -pensier, and of Claire of Gonzaga) 27 n. 32, 59, 60, 61-63 , 68-69 , 77. See also Bourbon, Mont -pensier

Charles ([th e Bold] , duk e o f Burgundy ; so n o f Philippe III the Good, duke of Burgundy, and of Isabelle of Portugal ) 74 n. 51

Charles o f Bourbo n (coun t an d [1515] duke o f Vendôme, lieutenant genera l o f Picardy ; so n o f François of Bourbon, count of Vendôme, and of Marie of Luxembourg, countess of Saint-Pol), 54 n. 41, 59 , 63. See also Bourbon, Vendôme

Charles of Evreux (count of Etampes; son of Louis, count o f Evreux , an d o f Marguerit e o f Artois) 110. See also Etampes, Evreux

150

Charles of France (count of Valois ; son of Philip III, king of France, and of Isabelle of Aragon, queen of France ) 107 n. 8

Charles o f Lorrain e (cardina l o f Lorraine , arch -bishop of Reims ; son of Claude of Lorraine, duke of Aumal e an d o f Guise , an d o f Antoinett e o f Bourbon) 72

Charles II o f Valois (count o f Alençon; son o f Charles of France , count of Valois, and of Mar-guerite of Sicily ) 110. See also Alençon

Charlotte of Bourbon (countess of Nevers; wife of Engilbert of Cleves, count of Nevers; daughter of Jean II o f Bourbon , coun t o f Vendôme, and o f Isabelle of Beauvau) 53 n. 35. See also Bourbon, Nevers

Chartier, Jean. See Jean Chartier chaslit (bedframe) 2 1 esp. n. 9 Chastellain, George s 40-41 Châtelet 4 3 n. 51, 58 n. 55, 78 n. 13 Châtre, L a (Indre) . See La Châtre , Gabriel de;

Joachim de Chauvelin, Louis-Germain de (keeper of th e seals,

royal advocat e general ) 109 Chevaliers de l'Ordre 63-64 ; position of, at lits de

justke, 123 chevecier (backdrop) 22 chevet (head) 29 Choppin, René 3 8 n.29 Christ, Jesus. See Jesus Chris t Christine de Pizan 31,32 chronicles: value of, a s sources 12, 33 del (canopy ) 21 n.9, 22 Claude of France (queen of France; wife of Francis

I, king of France; daughter of Louis XII, king of France, an d o f Anne , duches s o f Brittan y an d queen of France ) 63, 67 n. 24

Claude of Lorraine (duke of Aumale and of Guise ; husband of Antoinette of Bourbon; son of René II, duk e o f Lorraine , an d o f Philipp e o f Guel -ders) 71-72, 8 7 n. 40. See also Aumale, Guis e

Claude of Lorraine (duke of Aumale; son of Claude of Lorraine, duke of Aumale and of Guise, and of Antoinette o f Bourbon) , 86, 8 7 n.38. See also Aumale

Clement de Fauquembergue 38 n. 30 Clermont (Oise): county o f 51 n.29, 99 n.8, 101

n.15 Colbert, Jean-Baptiste 122 colors (o f robes) . See under Parlement of Paris :

color of robe s Comminges: count of (Ode t d'Aydie , lor d of Les-

cun) 46 n. 4 Commynes, Philipp e de. See Philipp e de Com-

mynes Conches (-en-Ouche , Eure, ar. Evreux) . See Phi -

lippe of Artois (lord of )

Conciergerie (of Paris) : prisoners in 53-54 Concordat o f Bologna 56, 65 n. 13, 66, 67 Condé (-en-Brie, Aisne, ar. Château-Thierry). See

Louis (prince of ) ConseU étrok 6 7 ConseU, grand. See Grand ConseU ConseU privé 77-78 , 105 , 109 constable of France : position of , a t sessions of the

Parlement of Paris 29,124. See also Anne (duke of Montmorency )

Constantinople 103 n. 2 Coqueley, Lazare (conseiller of th e Parlement of

Paris) 13 Corbechon, Jean 119, figs. 7-9 Corinthians, secon d epistl e o f Pau l to 24 n. 19 coronation: o f Edwar d th e Confesso r 21 n.9; o f

Henry II 77-78 esp. nn. 7 and 13; ordo, of Jean du Tillet 97 n. 2

coronation oath : clause of inalienabilit y i n 37-38 esp. n . 24, 72-73 esp. n. 47

Cotin, André. See André Cotin couche. See chaslit Couderc, Camille 10 9 n. 18, 111 n. 25, 12 0 n. 64 Courthardi, Pierre de (royal advocate, president of

the Parlement of Paris ) 47 n. 9, 50, 51 n. 28, 52, 53

Crandelain (Colligis-Crandelain ; Aisne, ar. Laon , c. Craonne) 14

Craon (Mayenne, ar. Château-Gontier). See Pierre of

Croy (Crouy ; Somme, ar. Amiens, c . Picquigny) . See Antoine, Jean (lords of )

Cutder, S. H. 23 n. 13

Damont, Jean (bailli of Montargis ) 51 n. 29 Dauphiné: lieutenant general and governor of 57,

63. See François of Bourbon (count of Saint-Pol) David: tower of 22 n.9 Davy, Simon. Se e Simon Dav y Delaborde, H.-François 10 9 n. 17 Denise: family o f 122 Deschamps, Eustache. See Eustache Deschamps Descimon, Rober t 74 n. 52 Dieppe (Seine-Maritime) 91 n. 7 Dijon (Côte-d'Or). See Parlement of domain, royal 36-38 Doucet, Roge r 14 Dring, Edmun d Hunt 120 n.64, 121 n.67 Du Bourg , Anne (chancello r of France ) 72 Du Breuil, Guillaume. See Guillaume d u Breuil Du Cange, Charles Dufresne , skur 20 n. 4 Du Chastel, Pierr e (bisho p o f Mâcon, grand au-

mônier) 9 7 n. 2 Du Chastel, Tanneguy. See Tanneguy du Chastel Dunois (sea t at Châteaudun; Eure-et-Loir): count

of, (Jean , bastard of Orléans; son of Louis , duke

151

of Orléans, and of Marie of Enghien) 40, (Fran-çois I o f Orléans, count o f Longuevill e an d o f Dunois; son of Jean, bastard of Orléans, and of Marie of Harcourt) 46 n. 4, (Louis I of Orléans, duke of Longueville and count of Dunois; son of François I, count of Longuevill e an d of Dunois , and of Agnes of Savoy) 54 n. 41. See also Agnes of Savoy (countes s of) , Loui s II of Orléans, Fran-çois III of Orléans (counts of )

Du Prat, Antoine (chancellor of France, archbishop of Sens , abbo t o f Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire) 56 , 57, 58, 59, 61-62 n.3, 63 n. 8, 65 n. 13, 66-67, 68, 70

Dupuy, Pierre 43 n. 49, 44 n. 54,102 n. 1, 111, 112 n.27, 120-21, 122

Durtal (Maine-et-Loire, ar. Angers). See Scepeaux, François de (count of )

Du Tillet, Helie (vice-president of the Chambre des comptes of Paris) 70

Du Tillet, Jean (greffier chU o f th e Parlement of Paris) 16-18 esp. n. 22, 35 n. 18, 104; admission to office of greffier civil of 70-71 esp. nn. 37-38 and 40; alleged t o hav e bee n roya l historiogra -pher 82 n.25; an d anonymou s memorandu m regarding roya l visit s t o th e Parlement of Pa -ris 75-76, 79-80 , 81 , 124 ; attitude t o historica l sources o f 17-18, 97-101; catalogue o f source s concerning rank and precedence i n great assem-blies b y 78-80, 81 ; certification o f document s regarding Lorraine by 29 n. 37; and the corona-tion o f Henry II 78 esp. n. 13; coronation ordo of 97 n. 2; on death and funeral of Francis I 97 n.2; a s emissar y o f th e Parlement of Pari s t o Henry II 85-86, 8 7 n. 38; ideas of , regardin g post-entry roya l visit s t o th e Parlement of Pa -ris 79, 81-84 , 89 , 90; ideas of , regardin g roya l chamberlain 21 n. 8; ideas of, regardin g trial of Jean II, duke of Alençon 3 9 n. 36,41-42,63 n. 8, 79-80; influence of 17,103 esp. nn. 2-3; memo-randum o n peer s compile d b y 77-78, 9 8 n.6, 105, 109-10 ; RecueU des Angloys b y 16-17 n.22, 98 n.6, 99-100; RecueU des honneurs et rangs des grands by 17 n.22 , 49-5 0 n.22 , 8 0 n.20, 83 , 97 , 100 , 101 , 11 0 n.20 ; RecueU des ordonnances by 16-17 n. 22, 77 n. 8; RecueU des Roys (fo r Henry II) by 16-17 n.22, 97 , 99 esp. n.7, 100 ; RecueU des Roys (fo r Charle s IX) by 17 n.22, 1 9 n.3 , 97-98 , 100-101 ; relation s with Nicolas Malo n of 39 n.36 , 6 3 n.8 ; relations with Séraphin du Tillet of 70-71 ; royal commissions to 77 n.8 ; an d roya l entries 81-82 n.25 ; source s regarding Louis XII's vi-sits to th e Parlement of Paris known t o 49-50 n.22, 50 n.23; trac t o n th e peac e t o en d th e second war of religio n b y 98 n. 6; tract o n the punishment of rebels by 98 n. 6; tracts on poli-

tics and religion by 17 n. 22; tracts on the royal majority by 17n. 22,98 n. 6. See also under Ik de justke

Du Tillet, Séraphin (greffier àvU of th e Parlement of Paris) , 27 n.32, 57 esp. n.52 , 58, 60 , 61-64 , 68-69, 82 , 85

edicts, royal: of pacification, (1585) 72 n. 44, (1563) 93. See also ordonnances

Edward the Confessor (kin g of England ) 21 n.9 Edward III (king o f England ) 105, 107 , 108 Egypt: king s of 50 Eleonor of Austri a (queen of France ; wife o f Em-

manuel, king of Portugal , an d of Franci s I , king of France ; sister of Empero r Charle s V) 71-72 esp. n.4 2

Elizabeth o f Austri a (quee n o f France ; wif e o f Charles IX, king of France; daughter of Emperor Maximilian II and of Marie of Austria) 93 n. 15, 94

Engilbert of Cleves (count of Nevers; son of Jean I, duke o f Cleves , coun t o f L a Marck , an d o f Elizabeth o f Burgundy , countes s of Never s an d of Eu ; husband of Charlotte of Bourbon) 46 nn. 4 and 8, 53 n.35, 54 n.41. See also Nevers

England 108; wars o f Franc e agains t 42 n.46, 108, (1333 ) 108 , (1369 ) 70 , 99-100 , 10 1 n. 15, (1409) 33, (1558) 87 , (1562-63) 91 , 92

Enguerran de Monstrelet 32 n. 6, 35 nn. 15 and 18 entry, royal (to Paris) 103; of Catherin e de Medi-

cis 81 n.24; o f Charle s VII 38-39; of Char -les VII I 43-44 esp. n.51 ; o f Charle s IX 90, 91-92, 93-9 4 esp. n.22 , 95; of Claud e o f Fran -ce 63; of Franci s I 55, 56 , 61 , 81 ; of Hen -ry II 67, 73 n. 50, 80 nn. 21-22, 81-82 esp. n. 24, 83 esp. nn . 29-30, 90 ; of Henr y VI 38-39; of Isabeau o f Bavari a 27; of Loui s XII 50. See also under Du Tillet, Jea n (idea s of , regardin g post-entry royal visits to the Parlement of Paris; and royal entries), Parlement of Paris (post-entry royal visits to )

entry, roya l (t o provincia l cities) : o f Hen -ry II 81-82 n.25; o f Charle s IX 92-93 esp. n. 11. See also under Du Tillet, Jean: an d roya l entries

epidemic: in the Orléanais (1458 ) 3 9 Ercole II d'Este (duke of Ferrara ) 87 n. 40 Estates General (Three Estates) 13,40 n. 39,43,55

n. 44,65-66 esp. n. 17,70,89,99 esp. n. 8,100 esp. n. 11. See also Tours, and under Orléans

Este: family of . See Anne d' , Alfons o I d', Alfon -so II d\ Ercol e II d', Ludovic o d '

Estoile, Pierr e de 1* . See L'Estoile, Pierr e de Etampes (Seine-et-Oise, ar. Rambouillet): count of

(Charles o f Evreux ; so n o f Louis , coun t o f Evreux, and of Marguerit e of Artois) 11 0

152

Eudes IV (duk e o f Burgundy ; so n o f Rober t II, duke of Burgundy, and of Agnes of France) 103 n.2, 107

Eustache Deschamps 31-3 2 Evreux (Eure): county of 110. See also Charles of ,

Louis o f (count s of) , Philipp e III of

Farge* James K . 67 n. 22 Fauquembergue, Clement de. See Clement de Fau-

quembergue Favyn, André 10 3 n.2 Feilloy, Guillaume de . See Guillaume d e Feilloy Ferté-Bernard, L a (Sarthe , ar . Mamers). See Pierre

of Craon (lord of ) Fevre, Jean le . See Jean le Fevr e fine: imposed b y th e Parlement of Paris for priso-

ners' bread 53-54 Flanders: coun t o f (Philippe ; so n o f Maximilian ,

archduke o f Austria , an d o f Mari e o f Burgun -dy) 46 nn. 4 and 8; countess o f (Marguerite ; daughter of Loui s III, count of, an d of Marguer-ite of Brabant ) 99 n. 8, 10 1 n. 15; county o f 23 n. 13, 110 . See also Charle s V , Loui s II, Ro -bert III (count s of )

Foix (Ariège): countess o f (Catherin e o f Foix , queen of Navarre) , 46 nn. 4 and 8

forgery: prosecutio n o f Rober t o f Artois for 106 esp. n.4 , 107

formulas : used to describe sessions of the Parlement of Paris . See under Parlement of Paris : styles o f clerks o f

Fosse, Jean-Baptiste d e la. See L a Fosse , Jean -Baptiste de

Foulquart, Jean. See Jean Foulquar t Fouquet, Jean. See Jean Fouque t France d'Hézecques, Alexandre-François-Félix ,

count o f 13-14,21 n.9 Francis I (king of France) 55-60, 61-74, 75-76, 77

n. 8, 8 0 n. 21, 81 , 95-%, 10 2 esp. n. 1, 12 3 Francis II (kin g o f France ) 55 n.44, 89, 90 François II (duk e o f Brittany ; so n o f Richar d o f

Brittany, count of Etampes, and of Marguerite of Orleans) 45-47, 50 , 68 , 10 2 n. 1

François of Bourbon (count of Saint-Pol, lieutenant general and governor of Dauphiné; son of Fran-çois of Bourbon , coun t o f Vendôme, and o f Marie o f Luxembourg , countes s o f Saint-Pol) , 57, 63. See also Bourbon, Saint-Po l

François of Bourbo n (coun t o f Vendôme; son o f Jean II o f Bourbon , coun t o f Vendôme, and o f Isabelle of Beauvau , lady o f Champign y an d of La Roche-sur-Yon ) 46 nn. 4 and 8. See also Bourbon, Vendôme

François I of Cleve s (duke of Nevers; son of Char-les o f Cleves , coun t o f Nevers , an d of Mari e of Albret, lady of Orval ; husband of Marguerite of

Bourbon, daughter of Charles of Bourbon, duke of Vendôme, and o f Françoise of Alen-çon) 73-74 . See also Nevers

François of France (dauphin of Viennois and duke of Brittany; son of Francis I, king of France, and of Claud e o f France , queen of France ) 69, 12 3

François of Lorraine (duke of Aumale and of Guise, great chamberlai n o f France ; so n o f Claud e o f Lorraine, duk e of Aumal e an d of Guise , and of Antoinette o f Bourbon ) 72 n. 43, 84 , 85 , 8 7 n. 40, 88. See also Aumale, Guis e

François III of Orléans (duke of Longueville, count of Dunois , grea t chamberlai n o f France ; son o f Louis II of Orléans, duke of Longueville , coun t of Dunois, and of Marie of Lorraine, daughter of Claude o f Lorraine , duk e o f Aumal e an d o f Guise, and of Antoinette of Bourbon) 72 n. 43, 73 n. 50, 82 . See also Dunois, Longueville , Or-léans

Fronsac (Gironde, ar. Libourne) . See Albon, Jac-ques d ' (marquis of )

Fumee, Adam (first master of requests of the royal household), 48-49, 65 n. 17

funeral: o f Franci s I 97 n.2

Gace de la Buigne 26, 27, 32 Gaignières, Roger de 1 9 n.2, 113, 11 4 n.39,

115-16, 117 , 118-19, 121 , figs. 3 and 7 and 9 Gallican church 86 Gauls: primac y of , claime d b y archbisho p o f

Bourges 6 4 Genouillac, Jacques Ricard d e (Galiot) (maste r o f

artillery o f France ) 47 esp. n. 13 Gerard de Montaigu (guardia n o f th e Trésor de s

chartes) 108 , 111 Geste des nobles françoys 3 8 Giesey, Ralp h E. 8 3 n. 28, 97 n. 2 Georges Chastellai n 40-4 1 Girard, Laurens. See Laurens Girard Godefroy, Deny s 2 7 n.32 , 4 1 n.40 , 5 8 n.56 , 6 1

n.3, 7 1 n.41, 7 6 esp. n.6, 8 6 n.37, 97 , 122 Godefroy, Theodore 27 n. 32,41 n. 40,58 n. 56,61

n.3, 7 1 n . 41 , 7 6 esp . n.6 , 8 6 n.37 , 97 , 111 , 120-21, 12 2

Gouffier, Arms (lor d o f Boisy, grand maître of France) 56 . See also Boisy

Gouffier, Guillaum e (lord o f Bonnivet, admiral of France) 57 , 58. See also Bonnivet

Grand' Chambre (of the Palais at Paris) 33,54-55 , 60

Grand ConseU 56,65-6 6 esp. nn. 13 and 17,67-68, 86

Grandes Chroniques de France 41 . See also Saint-Denis, chronicles o f

greffier civil of the Parlement of Paris. See Du Tillet, Jean; Du Tillet, Séraphin; Guillaume de Cerisay;

153

Jean d e Cessières ; Jea n Wîllequin ; Jouvence ; Nicolas d e Baye ; Nicola s d e Villemer; Pichon , Nicole; Pierre de Cerisa y

greffier criminel of th e Parlement of Paris. See Malon, Nicola s

Grix, Jacques le . See Jacques le Gri x Guillart, Charle s (president o f th e Parlement of

Paris) 6 2 n. 6, 64-67 esp. n. 12,68,69,70-71, 74 n.52, 10 4

Guillaume (lord of Rochefort) (chancellor of Fran-ce) 4 7 n. 9. See also Rochefort

Guillaume du Breui l 10 6 n. 4 Guillaume d e Cerisa y (greffier chU of th e Parle-

ment of Paris), 43-44 n . 51 Guillaume de Dormans (chancellor of France) 2 4 Guillaume de Feilloy (valet de chambre of Charles

V) 22n. l0 Guillaume de Jaligny. See Jaligny, Guillaum e de Guillaume Juvenal [Jouvenel] des Ursins 4 0 n . 39 Guillaume d e Nangi s (monk an d chronicle r o f

Saint-Denis) 1 9 n. 2 Guillaume le Tur (royal advocate) 37 n. 26 Guillaume Volant (royal advocate) 51 n. 26 Guînes (Pas-de-Calais , ar . Calais) : county o f 37

n. 26. See also Louis (count of ) Guise (Aisne, ar. Vervins) : coun t o f (Loui s o f

Armagnac; duke of Nemours and count of Gui -se; so n o f Jacque s o f Armagnac, duke o f Ne -mours, and of Louise of Anjou) 4 6 n. 8. See also Claude of Lorraine, François of Lorraine (dukes of)

GuyXIV/XV o f Lava l (coun t o f Laval ; so n o f Guy XHI/XIV, lord of Laval , and of Isabelle of Brittany, daughter of Jean VI, duke of Brittany , and of Jeanne of France) 46 nn. 4 and 8, 47 n. 12

Guy (lor d of Rochefort ) chancello r of France ) 47 n. 9, 50, 54. See also Rochefor t

Guyenne 108 ; duke of (Loui s o f France , duk e o f Guyenne and dauphin of Viennois; son of Char-les VI, king of France, and of Isabeau of Bavaria, queen o f France ) 35 esp. n. 18

Guyot, Joseph-Nicolas 21 n. 9

Hadrian (Roma n emperor) 50 Haguenin, Jean. See Jean Haguenin Hanley, Sarah 12 n. 6,13 n. 8,14-15,17,19 n. 2,21

n. 8,22 n. 10,26 n. 28,30 n. 40,31 n. 3,34 n. 13,38 n. 29, 40 n. 39, 43 n. 49, 44 n. 54, 45 nn. 1-2, 4 9 n. 22,56 n. 50, 57 n. 52,61 n. 3,62 nn. 4-5,64-65 nn. 11-12, 68 nn. 25 and 28, 6 9 n.29, 70 n.34, 71-72 nn. 41-42, 7 2 n. 44, 7 5 n.4, 79 n.17, 83 n. 28, 83-84 nn. 30-31, 88 nn. 44 and 46, 90 n. 2, 91 n.5, 9 2 n.9, 98 n.6, 99 n.9

Harlay: manuscript of the trial of Robert of Artois owned b y family o f 110, 111, 112,113,114,115, 116-17, 120 , 121

Harlay, Achille I de (president of the Parlement of Paris) 12, 59 n. 61, 10 4

Harlay, Achille II de 109 , 110 , 111 Harlay, Achille III de 109 , 110 , 111 Havre, Le (Seine-Maritime) 91, 92 Henry III (king of England ) 21 n. 9 Henry V (king of England ) 38 Henry VI (king of England ) 38-39 esp. n. 30 Henry II (duke of Orléans, dauphin, king of Fran-

ce) 16-17 n. 22, 67, 69, 71, 75, 76, 77-89,90, 93, 95-96, 97 , 105 , 109 , 123 . See also Orléans

Henry III (Alexandre-Edouard; duke of Anjou and Bourbonnais, count of Forez, king of France and Poland) 12-13, 1 5 n.20, 16 esp. n.21, 72 n.44, 91, 92 , 93, 94-95, 95-96 , 10 2 n. 1

Henry IV (king of France ) 15 heresy 65 esp. n. 13, 72 n.44, 81 n.24, 86, 87esp.

n. 41,88,93. See also Luther, Martin; Protestants Hiersemann, Karl W. 120 n. 64 Hobart, Dr. Thomas 19 n. 1,42 n. 46,105 n. 1,119,

120 Holt, Mack P . 15-16 Hospital, Miche l de 1'. See L'Hospital, Miche l de Hôtel de vUle (of Paris ) 69 n. 32, 94

inalienability: clause of, i n coronation oath 37-38 esp. n.2 4

Isabeau of Bavaria (queen of France; wife of Char -les VT, kin g o f France ; daughte r o f Stefa n II, duke of Bavaria, and of Taddea Visconti) 27, 35 n.18

Isaiah 24 Israel: twelve judges of 76 Iteuil (Vienne, ar. Poitiers , con . Vivonne) . See

Antoine of Vivonne (lor d of )

Jacques le Grix 27 n. 30 Jackson, Richard A. 37 n. 24 Jaligny, Guillaume d e (secretary o f Pierr e II o f

Bourbon, lor d o f Beauje u an d duk e o f Bour -bon) 45, 46-47, 6 0

James V (king of Scotland ) 71 Jarnac (Charente, ar. Cognac) . See Chabot, Guy

(baron of ) Jean II (duk e o f Alençon; son o f Jea n I , duk e o f

Alençon, and of Mari e o f Brittany , daughte r o f Jean V , duk e o f Brittany , an d o f Jeann e o f Navarre): tria l of , a t Vendôme 39-42 , 55 , 6 3 n. 8, 68, 78-79 , 10 2 n. 1, fig. 5. See oho Alençon

Jean I (duke of Bourbo n an d of Auvergne; son o f Louis II, duke of Bourbon, and Anne, dauphine of Auvergne) 28 . See also Bourbon

Jean (th e Fearless ) (duk e o f Burgundy ; so n o f Philippe of France [son of John II, king of Fran-ce, an d o f Bonn e o f Luxembourg , quee n o f

154

France], and of Marguerite, countess of Flanders and Artois) 34 , 35 n. 15

Jean III (duk e o f Brabant ; so n o f Jean II, duke of Brabant, and of Margare t of England ) 108

Jean I (duk e o f Lorraine ; so n o f Raoul, duke o f Lorraine, and of Marie of Châtillon) 2 8 n. 36,29

Jean (lor d o f Carrouges ) 27 n. 30. See also Car-rouges

Jean (lor d o f Croy , roya l chamberlai n an d grand bouteUler of France ) 36-38. See also Croy

Jean o f Albre t (lor d o f Orval ; so n o f Arnaud -Amanieu of Albret , lord of Orval [son of Char -les II, lord of Albret, and of Anne of Armagnac], and o f Isabea u o f L a Tour ) 55-56. See also Orval

Jean of Braban t (son o f Jean III, duke of Brabant , and o f Mari e o f Evreux , daughte r o f Loui s o f France, coun t o f Evreux , an d o f Marguerit e o f Artois) 10 8

Jean de Cessières (grejfier civil of the Parlement of Paris) 29, 30 n. 40, 31

Jean Chartie r (mon k an d chronicle r o f Saint-De -nis) 41, 42, fig. 6

Jean le Fevre (herald) 35 n. 15 Jean Foulquart 42-43 Jean Fouquet 39, fig. 5 Jean of France (duke of Berry and of Auvergne; son

of Joh n II, kin g o f France , an d o f Bonn e o f Luxembourg, queen o f France ) 26

Jean Haguenin (roya l procurator general ) 37-38 Jean Jouvene l (fathe r o f Jea n Juvena l des Ur-

sins) 32 Jean Juvenal des Ursins, the younger (archbishop of

Reims) 32-33, 34-35, 40 n. 39, 44 n. 54 Jean de la Vaquerie (presiden t of th e Parlement of

Paris) 44 n. 52, 48 Jean IV o f Montfor t (duk e o f Brittany ; so n o f

Arms II, duk e o f Brittany , an d o f Yolande of Dreux, countess o f Montfort-l'Amaury) 110

Jean V of Montfor t (duk e of Brittany ; son o f Jean IV of Montfort , duk e of Brittany, and of Jeanne of Flanders) 25, 47 n. 11, 68, 98 n. 6, 10 2 n. 1

Jean de Nanterre (royal procurator general) 47 n. 9 Jean de Saint-Gelais (lord of Monlieu) 49. See also

Monlieu Jean de Vignay 21 n. 8 Jean Willequin (greffier chU o f th e Parlement of

Paris) 29 n.37 Jeanne o f Artois (countess o f Burgundy , quee n o f

France; wife of Philip V, king of France; daugh-ter of Othon, count of Burgundy, and of Mahaut, countess o f Artois and Burgundy), 107

Jeanne of Bourbon (queen of France; wife of Char-les V, king of France ; daughter of Pierre I, duke of Bourbon , an d o f Isabelle of Valois) 99 , 10 1 n. 15. See also Bourbo n

Jeanne o f Burgund y (quee n o f France ; wif e o f Philip VI, king of France; daughter of Robert II, duke of Burgundy, and of Agnes of France) 107

Jeanne o f Franc e (quee n o f Navarre ; wife o f Phi -lippe, coun t o f Evreu x an d kin g o f Navarre ; daughter o f Loui s X , kin g o f France , an d o f Clementia o f Hungary , quee n o f France ) 115 n.41

Jeanne of France (countess and duchess of Burgun-dy; wife of Eudes IV, duke of Burgundy; daugh-ter of Philip V, king of France, and of Jeanne of Artois, countess o f Burgund y an d quee n o f France) 107

Jeanne o f Malestroi t (viscountes s o f La Bellière ; wife o f Tannegu y du Chastel; daughte r o f Jean IV Raguenel, lord o f Malestroit , viscoun t o f La Bellière, and o f Gillett e o f Châteaugiron) 119 , figs. 7-9. See also Bellière, La; Malestroit

Jeanne o f Valois (wife o f Rober t III, coun t o f Beaumont-le-Roger; daughte r of Charles , count of Valois, and o f Catherin e o f Courtenay , em -press of Constantinople ) 106, 107

Jehan Waure (usher of th e Parlement of Paris ) 28 n.35

Jehan de Wavrin (lord of Forestal ) 41 n. 40 Jerusalem 22 n.9 Jesus Chris t 22 n. 9, 66, 76, 77 n. 7 John, Saint 76-77 n. 7 John II (duk e o f Normandy , kin g o f France ) 26,

34n. l4 , 114 n.39, 115 n. 41 John of Luxembourg ([the Blind], king of Bohemia;

son of Emperor Henry VII and of Marguerite of Brabant) 110, 114 esp. n. 39, 115

John Stewart (duke of Albany) 58, 70 n. 35 Joinville, Jean, lord of 11, 21 Jouanna, Ariette 17n.26 Jouvence (greffier civil o f th e Parlement of Pa -

ris) 29 n.37 Jouvenel. See Juvenal des Ursins justitiae lectkternium. See lectktemium (justitiae) Juvenal des Ursins: family of . See Guillaume; Jean

Jouvenel; Jean, the younger

Kinser, Samuel 13 n. 8 Knecht, Rober t 65-66 n. 17, 74 n. 52

La Bellière. See Bellière, La La Mothe-Saint-Héray . See Mothe-Saint-Héray,

La Lancelot, Antoine 10 5 n.4, 11 1 n.25 , 112-13,

113-14 n. 38, 117-18 , 12 0 La Barre, Jean de (prévôt of Paris ) 64 La Buigne, Gace de. See Gace de la Buigne La Châtre, Gabriel de (lord of Nançay, captain of

the Frenc h guards ) 70 n.35, 75 n. 1. See also Châtre, La; Nançay

155

La Châtre, Joachim de (lord of Nançay, captain of the royal guards) 75 esp. n . 1. See also Châtre, La; Nançay

La Ferté-Bernard. See Ferté-Bernard, La La Fosse, Jean-Baptiste d e 5 9 n.6 1 L'Angelier, Charle s 72-7 3 n . 46, 98 n. 6 Langres (Haute-Marne) : bishop of , (Jean of Am-

boise) 4 6 nn . 4 an d 8 , (Miche l Boudet ) 58 , 59 , (Jean of Chalon) 11 0

Languedoc : governor of 63-64. See Anne (duke of Montmorency)

Laon (Aisne ) 24 ; bishop of , (Charles of Luxem-bourg) 4 6 nn . 4 an d 8 , (Loui s of Bourbon-Vendôme) 72 , 86 . See also Louis of Bourbon-Vendôme (bishop of) , Saint-Jean

La Roche Flavin, Bernard d e 5 4 n.38 , 98 , 103- 4 esp. nn . 2- 3

La Roche-sur-Yon. See Roche-sur-Yon, La Latin: use of, in the Parlement of Paris 9 4 esp. n. 22 La Trémoille. See Trémoille, La Laurens Girard 3 9 n. 34 Laval (Mayenne): count of (Guy XIV/XV) 4 6 nn.

4 and 8, 47 n. 12 La Vaquerie, Jean de. See Jean de la Vaquerie La Vernade, Pierr e d e (master o f request s o f th e

royal household) 65 n. 17 League of th e Public Weal (Bkn publk) 42 Le Blanc, Etienne 6 3 Leclerc: family o f 122 lectkternium (justitiae) 13 n.8, 16 n.21, 82 esp.

n. 27, 92, 94 esp. n. 18 Le Fevre, Jean. See Jean le Fevre legate, papa l (George s I o f Amboise , cardina l o f

Amboise, bisho p o f Montauban , archbisho p o f Narbonne an d Rouen ) 53 n.37, 54 n.41. See also under Ambois e

Le Grix, Jacques. See Jacques le Grix Le Havre. See Havre, Le Leipzig 120 n.64. See also Zentralantiquaria t

Leipzig Gmb H Le Maistre, Gilles (president o f th e Parlement of

Paris) 84-85, 8 6 Le Maistre, Jea n (roya l advocate ) 46-47, 50-51 ,

52 Le Maistre, Pierr e (greffier of th e Chambre de s

comptes of Paris ) 71 n. 41 Le Nain , Jea n (conseiller of th e Parlement of Pa -

ris) 11-12, 20 n. 4, 38 n. 29, 53 n. 36, 54 n. 43, 95 n.25

Le Nain de Tïllemont, Loui s 2 0 n. 4 Le Noir, Raoul . See Raoul le Noi r Le Paige, Louis Adrien 13 , 35, 95, 104 Le Plessis du Parc. See Plessis du Parc, Le L'Estoile, Pierr e de 1 6 n. 21, 40 n. 39 lettres de jussion 1 4 Le Tur, Guillaume. See Guillaume l e Tur

Le Viste , Antoin e (president o f th e Parlement of Paris) 6 2 n. 6

Lezay (Deux-Sèvres, ar. Niort). See André de Beau-mont (lord of )

Lezigny (Lésigny ; Seine-et-Marne , ar . Melun , c . Brie-Comte-Robert). See Pierrevive, Charle s d e (lord of )

L'Hospital, Michel de (chancellor of France) 91-92, 95

Ligny (-en-Barrois ; Meuse , ar . Bar-le-Duc) . See Louis of Luxembourg (count of )

Lisieux (Calvados): bishop of (Jean le Veneur) 56 , 58

lit: meaning of, i n early fourteenth century 20-22 lit de camp 21 n.9, 27-28 Ik de justke: i n accounts of ushers of the Parlement

of Paris , 28-29; in anonymou s memorandu m regarding roya l visit s t o th e Parlement of Pa -ris 79-80, 122-23 ; apparatus of 22-23, 54-55 , 89; and assembl y i n th e Sall e Saint-Loui s (1576) 94-95 ; attitudes of members of the Parle-ment of Pari s t o 12-13, 76-77 , 95 , 10 2 n. 1, 122-24; Christine de Pizan an d th e ter m 31; Claude de Seysssel and the term 55; criticism of institution o f 12-14, 35 , 95 , 104 ; depictions of 19, 41, 42, fig. 6; development o f th e term , under Charle s V 24-26, 29-30 , 31 , 33 ; as edict 36-38; in edict of Charles VIII (1485) 11 , 12, 44 ; Eustache Deschamps and th e term 31-32; Henry II's interest in 78; inaugu-ral 93 n. 12; Jean Foulquar t an d th e term 42-43; Jean du Tillet and the term, 16-18, 41-42, 6 4 n. 10, 71, 78, 79-80, 82-84 , 85 , 86-87 , 87-88, 91 , 97-101 , 102 , 103 ; legendary pas t of 17, 76-77 ; meaning o f 11, 14-16 ; as occa -sion 11, 29-30 ; as physica l objec t 27, 28 , 31-32,35-36; protocol at sessions termed, 73-74, 78-79,123; at royal entries 27-28, 38-39; term associated with sessions of the Parlement, (1387) 27, 98 esp. n. 6,102 n. 1, (1390) 28, 29, (1396) 28, 29,98, (1407) 32-33, 78, 80, 98 esp. n 6, 10 2 n. 1, (1409) 33, (1413) 33, 34-36, 98 , (1420) 38, (1458) 40-42, 55 , 78 , 79-80 , 98 , 10 2 n. 1, (1487-88 ) 45-47,102 n. 1, (1527) 15, 61-70, 72, 73, 74 n. 52, 77, 78, 80, 98,100,103 n. 2,104, (1537) 15, 71-73, 78, 80, 98 esp. n.6, (1549) 82-83 , 98, (1563) 15, 91-93, (1564) 15 , 92-93, (1565) 15, 92-93, (1569) 93,99-101, (1571) 93-94, (1572) 94, (1573) 15,94, (1575) 16 n.21, (1581) 16 n.21, 104, (1583) 11 , 16 n.21, 104, (1588 ) 13 , (1576 ) 1 6 n.21, (1585) 7 2 n.44, (1597) 15 ; in translation of Jacques-Augu-ste de Thou's History 16 n. 21, 24-2 5 n. 22, 8 2 n.27, 88, 9 3 n. 12, 9 4 n. 18; VieilleviUe an d th e term 88-89. See also ambassadors , Chevaliers de l'Ordre

Little, Roger G. 38 n.29

156

Lizet, Pierr e (presiden t o f th e Parlement of Pa -ris) 67, 72 n.44, 83-84, 9 0

Lloyd-Mostyn, Edwar d (baron Mostyn) 119 Lombez (Gers, ar. Auch): bishop of (Jean de Villiers

de la Grossaye) 46 n. 8 Longueville (-sur-Scie ; Seine-Maritime , ar . Diep -

pe). See François III o f Orléans, Louis II o f Orléans (dukes of )

Lonnain, Jean de (bailli of Orléans) 5 1 n . 29 Lorraine: duk e o f (Jea n I ) 28 n.36, 29; dukes

of 29 n. 37. See also Jean I (duke of), Charles of , Claude of , Mari e o f

Louis II (coun t o f Flanders , o f Nevers , an d o f Rethel) 110. See also Nevers , Rethe l

Louis IX (king of France) 11, 21, 31-32, 63, 75,99 n.8, 101 n. 15

Louis X (kin g o f France ) 63, 95 Louis XI (king of France) 37 n. 26,40 n. 39,42-43

esp. n.49 , 66 Louis XII (duke of Orléans, king of France; son of

Charles, duke of Orléans and Milan, and of Marie of Cleves ) 43-44 esp. n . 49, 45-4 7 esp. n. l l , 49-55,56, 59, 60, 62 n. 4,66,68. See also Orléans

Louis XIII (kin g o f France ) 15, 93 n. 12, 94 Louis (lord of Amboise, viscount of Thouars, count

of Guînes; son o f Ingerge r o f Amboise , lor d of Rochecorbon an d o f Marans , an d o f Jeann e o f Craon, daughte r of Pierr e o f Craon , lord of L a Ferté-Bernard, and o f Jeann e o f Châtillon) 3 8 n. 29. See also Amboise, Guînes, Thouars

Louis II (lord of La Trémoille) 56,59-60 . See also Trémoille, La

Louis of Bourbon (prince of Condé; son of Charles of Bourbon, duke of Vendôme, and of Françoise of Alençon [widow o f Francoi s I o f Orléans, duke of Longueville ; daughte r of René, duke of Alençon, and o f Marguerit e o f Lorraine] ) 87. See also Bourbon, Condé

Louis I of Bourbo n (princ e o f L a Roche-sur-Yon, count o f Montpensier ; husban d o f Louis e o f Bourbon, countess of Montpensier and dauphine of Auvergne; son o f Jean II of Bourbon , coun t of Vendôme, and o f Isabea u o f Beauvau ) 55. See also Bourbon; Montpensier; Roche-sur-Yon, La

Louis II of Bourbon (prince of La Roche-sur-Yon, duke of Montpensier; son of Louis I of Bourbon and of Louise of Bourbon) 73-74 esp. n. 51. See also Bourbon; Montpensier; Roche-sur-Yon, La

Louis of Bourbon-Vendôme (cardinal of Bourbon , bishop o f Laon , archbisho p o f Sens ; so n o f François of Bourbon, count of Vendôme, and of Marie o f Luxembourg , countes s o f Saint-Pol) , 72, 86 . See also Bourbon, Laon , Sens, Vendôme

Louis of Brézé (count of Maulévrier, grand sénéchal of Normandy; son of Jacques of Brézé, count of

Maulévrier, and of Charlotte , daughter of Char-les VII, kin g o f France , an d o f Agne s Sorel ; husband o f Dian e o f Poitiers ) 59-60. See also Brézé, Maulévrie r

Louis of France (count of Evreux; son of Philip III, king of France, and of Marie of Brabant, queen of France) 115 n. 41. See also Evreux

Louis of France (duke of Orléans; son of Charles , duke o f Orléans and Milan , an d o f Mari e o f Cleves). See Louis XII (king of France). See also Orléans

Louis of France (duke of Orléans, count of Valois; son of Charles V, king of France, and of Jeanne of Bourbon, quee n o f France ) 26, 11 5 n.41. See also Orléans

Louis of France (duke of Orléans; son of Henry II, king o f France , an d o f Catherin e de Medicis, queen of France ) 87 n. 40. See also Orléans

Louis of Luxembourg (count of Ligny ; son of Louis of Luxembourg, count of Saint-Pol, and of Marie of Savoy) 46 n. 8. See ako Lign y

Louis of Luxembour g (count of Saint-Pol , consta -ble o f France ; so n o f Pierr e I o f Luxembourg , count o f Saint-Pol , an d o f Marguerit e o f Baux) 42 . See also Saint-Pol

Louis II of Orléans (duke of Longueville , count of Dunois, grea t chamberlai n o f France ; so n o f Louis I of Orléans, duke of Longueville, count of Dunois, great chamberlain of France,and of Jean-ne o f Hochberg , marquis e of Rothelin) 59-60, 64,69-70, 72 n. 43. See ako Dunois , Longueville, Orléans

Louise of Savoy (duchess of Angouleme and regent of France ; wife o f Charle s of Orléans, count o f Angouleme; mother of Francis I, king of France; daughter o f Philipp e II, duk e o f Savoy , an d o f Marguerite o f Bourbon) 61, 63, 65

Louvre 95, 107 , 10 9 n.17, 110, 112 , 121 Luçon (Vendée, ar. Fontenay-le-Comte): bishop of

(Pierre de Sacierges) 52 Ludovico d'Este (duke of Ferrara, son of Ercole II

d'Este and of Renée of France ) 87 n. 40 Luther, Martin 65. See ako Protestant s Luxembourg: arm s o f 114 nn. 39-40; "lord o f

(Louis of , coun t o f Ligny ) 46 n.8. See ako Bonne of, John of, Loui s of, and under Châlons-sur-Marne, Lao n

Lyon (Rhône) 4 0 n. 39; archbishop of (Charles of Alençon) 2 4

Mabillon, Jean 20 n. 4 Madrid, Treaty of 69,100; hostages for the fulfill -

ment o f 69, 123 . See also François of France , Henry II (dauphins)

Mahaut (countess of Artois and of Burgundy; wife of Othon , coun t of Burgundy ; daughter of Ro -

157

bert II, count of Artois, and of Amicie of Courte-nay, lady of Conches ) 106, 107

Mailly, Jacques de (first usher of the Parlement of Paris) 72

Maistre, Gilles le; Jean le; Pierre le. See Le Maistre, Gilles; Jean; Pierre

majority, royal: of Charles IX 92-93; ordonnance of 1374/75 on, 24-25, 29, 98 n. 6, 99 n. 7; ordon-nance of 1407 on 32,6 3 n. 8, 78, 80, 98 n. 6,123. See also under Du Tillet, Jean

Malestroit (Morbihan , ar . Vannes). See Jeanne of Malon, Nicolas (greffier criminel of the Parlement

of Paris) 3 9 n.36 , 5 9 n.61, 60 , 61-64 esp . n.8 , 68-69, 72 , 79-80, 91 n.3 . See also Bercy, Othi s

Mantes (-la-Jolie ; Seine-et-Oise) : treaty o f (1354) 11 5 n. 41

Marchant, Andry. See Andry Marchant Marcus Aurelius (Roma n emperor) (?) 5 0 n.2 5

(Marius) Marguerite of Orléans (queen of Navarre; wife o f

Charles, duk e of Alençon, and o f Henri of Albret, king of Navarre; daughter of Charles of Orléans, count o f Angouleme, and of Louis e o f Savoy) 71-72 esp. n.42. See ako Orléans

Marguerite o f Sicil y (countes s o f Valois; wife o f Charles of France , count o f Valois; daughter o f Charles II, kin g o f Naple s an d Sicily , an d o f Marie of Hungary ) 107 n. 8. See ako Valois

Marie of Berry (duchess of Bourbon; wife of Louis of Châtillon, count of Dunois, and of Philippe of Artois, count o f Eu, and o f Jea n I , duk e o f Bourbon an d of Auvergne; daughter o f Jean of France, duke o f Berry , and of Jeanne of Arma-gnac) 28 . See ako Bourbon

Marie o f Franc e (wif e o f Jean o f Brabant , so n o f Jean III, duke of Brabant; daughter of Philip VI, king of France, and of Jeanne of Burgundy, queen of France ) 108

Marie o f Lorrain e (quee n o f Scotland ; wif e o f Louis II of Orléans, duke of Longueville , and of James V, king of Scotland; daughter of Claude of Lorraine, duke of Aumal e and of Guise , an d o f Antoinette of Bourbon ) 87 n. 40

Marius 50 n. 25 (for Marcus Aurelius}) Mark (county , i n th e Hol y Roma n Empire). See

Robert IV de la Marck Marot, Clement 21-22 n.9, 27-28 marriage: a s metapho r fo r unio n o f kin g an d

kingdom 72-73 marshals o f France : position of , a t sessions o f th e

Parlement of Pari s 29, 88. See ako Ann e (duk e of Montmorency) , Jacque s d'Albon , Rober t IV de la Marck (lord of Sedan )

Mary, Blessed Virgin 27-28 master o f artiller y o f France . See Genouillac, Jac-

ques Ricard de

masters o f request s o f th e roya l househol d 67 n. 17; position of, a t sessions of the Parlement of Paris 48, 60 , 64 , 124 . See ako Davy , Simon ; Fumee, Adam ; Jean Juvenal des Ursins,the youn-ger; La Vernade, Pierre de; Le Nain, Jean; Seys-sel, Claude de

Maugis, Edouard 14 , 34 n. 13, 42 n. 47, 57 n. 52 Maulévrier (-Sainte-Gertrude , Seine-Maritime , ar .

Rouen, con. Caudebec-en-Caux), See Louis of Brézé (count of )

Maximilien d e Béthun e (duk e of Sully) 9 4 n . 20. See ako Sull y

Meaux (Seine-et-Marne): Protestant s of 90-91 memorandum, anonymous , regardin g roya l visit s

to the Parlement of Pari s 75-76, 79-81 , 88 , 89, 102,122-24. See ako under Du Tillet, Jean; Ik de justke

Mercuriale (of th e Parlement of Pari s 1559) 88-89, 9 2

mettre sus: meaning of 40-41 esp. n.3 9 Michel Pintoui n (mon k an d chronicle r o f Saint -

Denis) 33,34,36 Milan: loss of, b y French 59 Le miroir de mariage 31-3 2 Modena: rulershi p of, b y Alfons o d'Este 8 7

n.40 Mole, Edouar d (roya l advocate, presiden t o f th e

Parlement of Paris ) 122 Mole, Mathieu (conseiller and presiden t o f th e

Parlement of Paris , roya l procurato r general , guardian of the Trésor des chartes ) 12 2

Monlieu (Montlieu ; Charente-Maritime, ar. Jon-zac): lord of. See Jean de Saint-Gelais

Monstrelet, Enguerran de. See Enguerran de Mon-strelet

Montaigu, Gerar d de. See Gerard de Montaigu Montargis (Loiret) 39 , 41, 51 n.29, 79, 123 Montfaucon, Bernar d de 1 9 n.2, 113, 11 5 n.41,

116-18, 12 0 Montmorency (Val-d'Oise) . See Anne (duk e of ) Montpensier (Puy-de-Dôme, ar. Riom , c . Aigue -

perse): peerage of, 73-74, 77 n. 7. See ako Charle s II, Loui s I o f Bourbo n (count s of) , Loui s II o f Bourbon (duk e of )

Montreuil-sur-Mer (Pas-de-Calais ) 37 n. 23 Mostyn, Sir Thomas 19 n. 1,42 n. 46,105 n. 1,119;

manuscript of the trial of Robert of Artois owned by 105 n.l, 114 nn.39-40, 116, 11 8 n.53, 119-21. See ako Lloyd-Mostyn , Edwar d

Mothe-Saint-Héray, L a (Deux-Sèvres , ar. Niort). See André of Beaumon t (lord of )

Nain, Jean le. See Le Nain, Jean Nain d e Tdlemont, Louis le . See Le Nai n d e

Tdlemont, Louis

158

Nançay (Cher , ar . Bourges, con. Vierzon). See La Châtre, Gabriel de; La Châtre, Joachim de (lords of)

Nangis, Guillaume de . See Guillaume d e Nangi s Nanterre, Jea n d e (roya l procurator general ) 47

n.9 Narbonne (Aude): archbishop of, (François Halle)

46 n. 8, (Georges of Amboise) 4 8 National Registry of Archives (London) 121 n. 67 Navarre: arms o f kin g o f 110. See ako Charle s I

the Bad, Philippe III o f Evreux (kings of) , Mar-guerite of Orléans, Jeanne of France (queens of )

Nemours (Seine-et-Marne , ar . Melun) : duk e o f (Jean of Armagnac), 5 1

Nero (Roma n emperor) 50 Nesle (Somme, ar. Péronne). See Adrien of Sainte-

Maure (count of ) Nevers (Nièvre) : count of (Engilbert of Cleves) 46

n. 4, 53 n. 35, 54 n. 41; countess of (Charlott e of Bourbon) 53 n. 35; peerage of 73-74 esp. n. 51. See ako Charlott e o f Bourbo n (countes s of) , Engilbert o f Cleve s (coun t of) , François I o f Cleves (duke of )

Nicolas de Baye (greffier chU o f th e Parlement of Paris) 15 n. 18, 33, 34 n. 13

Nicolas de Villemer (greffier civU of the Parlement of Paris) , 22 esp. n. 12, 23-24

Noel, Pierre . See Pierre Noe l Noir, Raou l le . See Raoul le Noi r Normandy 44 ; duk e of (John) 3 4 n . 14, 110 ;

grand sénéchal of, 59-60. See ako Loui s of Brézé (count of Maulévrier, grand sénéchal of), John II of France (duke of)

Noyon (Oise , ar. Compiègne), bishop of, (Jean de Mailly) 46 nn. 4 and 8 , (Charles d e Hangest) 5 9

oaths: b y advocate s an d procurators i n th e Parle-ment of Paris, 24, 84, 85; of Claude de Seyssel as master o f th e roya l househol d 53; of Jean du Tillet a s greffier civU o f th e Parlement of Pa -ris 70-71 ; to keep ordonnance on justice, (1493) 48, (1499) 52-53; of ne w peers before the Parle-ment of Paris , (François of Lorraine , duk e o f Guise, and Anne, duke of Montmorency 1551) 84, 85 , (Claude o f Lorraine , duk e o f Aumal e 1552) 86 . See also coronation oath

obedience: owed to ruler 14, 59, 65, 67-68, 93 Octavian (Roman emperor) 50 Olivier, François (chancellor o f France ) 78 n. 13,

82 Olivier-Martin, François-Jean-Marie 1 4 Omont, Henr i 109 n. 17, 111 n.25, 120 n.64 Ordonnance Cabochienne 35-36, 3 7 n, 24, 38 ordonnances: fiscal 15 n.20, 102 n. 1; forced

registration of , (1493) 48-49 , (1499 ) 52-53 , 53-54, (1505 ) 54 , (1517 ) 56 , (1522 ) 57-5 8 esp.

n.55, (1527) 67-68 , (1547-48 ) 77 n.7, (1563) 91-93; on gens de guerre (1493) 48 ; on guet (watch and ward) (1505) 54 ; increasing number of official s o f th e Châtelet (1522 ) 5 8 n.55; o n justice, (1493) 48-49, (1499) 52-53; regarding the Parlement of Paris , (1310, 1318 ) 20 , 21 , (1522 ) 57-58, (1524 ) 59 , (1527 ) 67-68 ; on paymen t o f soldiers by Paris (1522) 5 8 n. 55; on property of the church (1563) 91 ; on religion (1563) 92-93 ; on waters and forests (1517) 56 . See ako Ordon-nance Cabochienne, an d under edict ; majority , royal

Orléanais 3 9 Orléanists 35-3 6 Orléans (Loiret ) 5 1 n.29 ; bailliage of 51 n.29 ;

duchy of 51 ; duke of (Charles; son of Louis of France, duke of Orléans and count of Valois, and of Valentin e o f Milan) 39 ; Estates General of 55 n. 44. See ako Lonnain , Jean de (baUli of); Henry II (kin g o f France), Loui s XII (kin g o f France), Loui s of France, Philipp e of France (dukes of); François of, Louis II of , Marguerite of

Orval (Cher, ar. Saint-Amand-Montrond). See Jean of Albret (lord of )

Othis (Seine-et-Marne , ar . Meaux, c . Dammartin -en-Goelle): lord of (Nicolas Malon) 6 2 n. 3. See ako Malon , Nicolas (lord of )

Othon IV (count of Burgundy) 106

Paige, Louis Adrien le. See Le Paige, Louis Adrien Palais (o f Paris ) 79 n.18, 93. See also Grand *

Chambre, Salle Saint-Louis, Sall e verte Paradise, garden of 22 n. 9 Paris: bisho p o f (François d e Poncher) 58; and

Louis XII 49 n. 20; magistrates o f 69, 94-95 ; praise of, b y Charles VIII, 44; security problems in 79 n. 18; as site of Parlement of Pari s 65-66 esp. n . 17, 79 , 123 . See ako Andr y Marchant; Augustinians; Chambre des comptes of; Châte-let; Conciergerie ; entry, royal (to Paris); Hôtel de ville; Palais ; Parlement of; prévôt of; prévôt des marchands; Saint-Germain-des-Prés ; Saint -Martin-des-Champs; University o f

Parlement of Bordeaux 92-93 , 12 3 n. 6 Parlement of Burgund y 44, 95 n. 25 Parlement of Dijon 58 , 92-93 . See ako Patarin ,

Claude Parlement of Paris: attendance a t meeting in th e

Salle Saint-Louis by presidents of (1576) 94-95 ; banishment of members of (1526) 67 , 68; color of robe s wor n b y officer s o f 62 n. 6, 6 4 esp. n. 11, 72 esp. n. 44,80 esp. n. 21, 84, 86, 87,88,91, 123; decor of 19,20,21,22,23,27,28,42,54-55 esp. n.45 , 61-62 esp. n.3 , 63, 69 , 71-7 2 esp. nn. 41-42, 82, 83, 84,86, 87,88,91,105,114, figs.

159

1-4; decrees o f (1321, 1366 ) 10 3 n.2; greffes of 77 n.8; king s an d 14, 16 , 102-4 ; kings' attendance a t argument s (pleadings ) in , (1386) 26-27, 30, (1390) 28, 29, (1396) 29, (1492-93) 47, 48, 49 , (1498 ) 50-52 , (1504 ) 53-54 , (1505 ) 54 , (1515) 55 , (1549 ) 82 , (1569 ) 93 , (1571 ) 93-94 , (1573) 94; order of seating at 122-24; post-entry royal visit s t o 38-39 esp. n . 30, 78 , 79 , 80 nn. 21-22, 81-83 , 89 , 90 , 91-92 , 93-94 , 103 , 124 ; praise of, (b y Charles V) 22-23, (by Charles VI) 26, (by Charle s VIII) 11, 12, 44, 102 , (by Gilles Bourdin) 90-91; presentation of roses to, by the peers of France 73-74 esp. nn. 51-52; protocol observed at sessions of the ConseU of 75-76,79, 80-81, 85-86,122-24 ; protocol observed at ses-sions for arguing cases (pleadings) of 75-76,79, 80-81, 85-86 , 122-24 ; records o f 11-12; re-gisters o f 11-12, 28-29, 43-44, 51-52 , 59 n.58, 68, 69-70, 7 1 n. 41, 94, 99 n. 7, 109-10 , 112 , 120 n. 63,124; remonstrance of, (1524) 59, (3 Decem-ber 1547) 76-77,78,79, 98; sale of offices o f 65, 67; sessions of , (1365) 22, 23, (1369) 23, 98 esp. n. 6, 99-101,102 n. 1, (1372) 23-24, (1375) 24-25, 98 esp. n.6 , 99 n.7, 102 n.l, (1378) 25 , 98-9 9 esp. n.6 , 102 n.l, (1386) 26-27 , 30 , (1387 ) 27 , (1390) 29, (1392) 29, 98 esp. n.6, 102 n. 1, (1415) 36-38, (1416 ) 3 8 n.29, (1431) 3 8 n.30, (1475) 42, (1484 ) 43-44 , (1485 ) 44 , (1492 ) 45 , 47 , 49 , 103 n.3, (1493) 47-49 , 78 , (1498 ) 49-5 0 n.22, 50-52, 78 , (1499) 4 9 n.22, 52-53, 54 , (1502) 5 0 n.22, (1504) 50 n.22, 53-54, (1505) 49 n.22, 54, (1508) 5 0 n. 22, 53 , 55 , (1510 ) 5 0 n.22, (1513) 49 n.22, (1515) 55 , 56 , (1517 ) 55-57 , (1522 ) 57-58, (1523) 58-59, (1524) 59-60, (1530) 70-71 , (1549) 82-84, 98, (1551) 84-85, 86, (1552) 85-87, (1558) 87-88, (1559) 88-89, (1562) 90-91, (1563) 91-92, (1571 ) 93-94 , (1576 ) 1 6 n.21; style s of clerk s o f 12, 23-24 , 27 , 31 , 49 , 50 , 53 , 56, 57 , 58 , 60 , 61-64 , 68-70 , 71 , 72 , 82-83 , 85, 87-88 ; trial of Rober t o f Artois in 19, 105, 107-8, 109 , 110 , 115-16 , figs. 1-3; ushers o f 26 esp. n . 28, 28 , 29 , 5 9 n.58, 72, 123 . See ako cardinals; chamberlains , royal ; constabl e o f France; fine; greffier civU of; greffier criminel of; Latin; marshals of France; oaths;parquet; Tour-nelle criminelle; and under chancellor of France; Charles V (emperor , coun t o f Artois and Flan-ders); Du Tillet, Jean; lit de justke; ordonnances; peers o f Franc e

Parlement of Poitiers 38 esp. n. 29 Parlement of Roue n 56 n. 50, 92-93, 10 2 n. 1 Parlement of Toulouse 92-93, 103 n.3 Parlements of Franc e 69, 90-9 1 parquet (o f th e Parlement of Paris ) 20, 123 , 124 Patarin, Claud e (presiden t o f th e Parlement of

Dijon) 58

peers o f Franc e 105; Charlemagne a s creato r of 18, 76-77 , 98 ; Charles VTII an d 43; fe-male 99, 101 ; interest o f Henr y II i n histor y of 76-77; memorandum o f Jean du Tillet on 76-77, 105 ; and the Parlement of Pari s 65 n. 17, 98 n. 4,123-24; precedence of, i n presenu-tion o f roses t o th e Parlement of Pari s 73-74 esp. nn . 51-52; at session s o f th e Parlement of Paris, (1331-32) 77, 107-8 , 109 , 110 , 114-16 , figs. 1-3, (1378 ) 25 , (1387-88) 27 , (1458) 39 , 4 0 n.39, 41, (1487-88 ) 46 , (1498 ) 50 , (1522 ) 57 , (1523) 58 , (1524) 59 , 63 , (1527) 63-64, 7 0 n.35, 77, (1537) 71, 72, (1551) 84, 85, (1552) 86, (1558) 87, (1559) 88 , (under Loui s XI) 42-43; trials of , 69, (1331-32 ) 19 , 77, 105 , 107-8 , 109 , 110 , 114-16, figs. 1-3, (1378 ) 25 , 68 , 9 8 n.6, (1387) 27, 68, 98 n. 6, (1458) 39, 40 n. 39, 41-42, 68, 78, 79-80, figs. 5-6, (1487-88 ) 68 , (1522 ) 5 7 (1523) 58, (1524 ) 59-60 , (1527 ) 6 2 n.3, 63-64, 68-70 , (1537) 71-73. See ako under oaths , Parlement of Paris

pestilence: in the Orléanais (1458) 3 9 Philip III (king o f France ) 51 n. 29, 11 5 n.41 Philip IV the Fair (king of France ) 20, 65-66,10 6 Philip V (king of France ) 20-21, 106 , 107 Philip VI 19, 21 n. 7, 51 n. 29, 105-6 n. 4,107,108,

114, 11 5 esp. n. 41, 116 , 117 Philippe of Artois (lord of Conches; son of Rober-

t II, count o f Artois, and of Amici e o f Courte -nay, lad y o f Conches ) 106, 107 . See ako Con -ches

Philippe de Commynes 42 n. 47 Philippe III o f Evreu x (kin g o f Navarre , coun t o f

Evreux; son of Louis of France, count of Evreux, and of Marguerit e o f Artois) 110 , 114 , 115 esp. n.41. See ako Evreu x

Philippe o f Franc e (duk e o f Burgundy , coun t o f Valois; son o f Joh n II, kin g o f France , an d o f Jeanne, countess o f Auvergne and of Boulogne , queen o f France ) 26

Philippe of France (duke of Orléans and Touraine; son of Philip VI, king of France, and of Jeanne of Burgundy, quee n of France ) 115 n. 41

Picardy: Ueutenan t genera l o f 63. See Charle s o f Bourbon (duk e of Vendôme)

Pichon, Mari e 70 Pichon, Nicol e (greffier civU of th e Parlement of

Paris) 56, 57 n. 52, 70 Pierre Bell e (ushe r o f th e Parlement of Paris ) 28

n.35, 33, 34 Pierre II o f Bourbo n (lor d o f Beaujeu , duk e o f

Bourbon; son of Charles I, duke of Bourbon and of Auvergne, count of Clermont, and of Agnes of Burgundy, daughter of Jean, duke of Burgundy , and of Marguerit e o f Bavaria ) 43, 45, 4 6 nn. 4 and 8, 51 . See ako Beaujeu , Bourbo n

160

Pierre de Cerisay (greffier civU of the Parlement of Paris) 4 9

Pierre of Craon (lord o f La Ferté-Bernard; so n of Guillaume I of Craon, viscount o f Châteaudun, and of Marguerite of Flanders ) 28, 29. See ako Craon; Ferté-Bernard, La

Pierre Noel (ushe r o f th e Parlement of Paris ) 28 n.35

Pierrevive, Charle s de (lord o f Lezigny , master of the king's household) 90 esp. n . 2. See ako Le -zigny

Pintouin, Michel. See Michel Pintoui n Pizan, Christine de. See Christine de Pizan Plessis du Parc , L e (originally Les Montils-lès -

Tours; now Le Plessis-lès-Tours ; Indre-et-Loi -re, ar . Tours , c . Joué-lès-Tours , cne . L a Ri -che) 42n.4 5

plusieurs: meaning o f 53, 57, 82 Poillot, Deny s (president o f th e Parlement of Pa-

ris) 6 2 n. 6 Poirier, Dom Germai n 10 9 n. 18 Poitiers (Vienne) . See Parlement of Poland: ambassadors o f 94 esp. n.2 2 Pont-de-PArche (Eure , ar. Les Andelys) 44 poor: of Pari s 84-85 Poyet, Guillaume (chancellor of France ) 63 n. 8 prévôt of Paris : positio n of , a t session s o f th e

Parlement of Pari s 64 esp. n. 10, 73, 80, 87,123. See also La Barre, Jean de

prévôt des marchands (of Paris) 43-4 4 n . 51 Priam 98 primacy. See Gauls, and under Aquitaine Primat 2 1 n . 8 princes of th e blood 33, 81, 123, 124 prisoners. See Conciergerie, fine De proprietatibus rerum 119, figs. 7-9 Protestants 65, 72 n. 44, 81 n. 24, 87 esp. n. 41, 88,

90-91, 9 3 protocol 51-52,64 n. 10,73-74,78,80-81,95,105,

122-24. See ako ambassadors ; cardinals ; cham -berlains, royal; chancellor of France; Chevalkrs de l'Ordre; constable o f France ; marshal s o f France; prévôt of Paris ; and under master s o f requests o f th e roya l household , Parlement of Paris

Provence 108

Quaritch (Bernar d Quaritc h Ltd. ) 105 n.l, 118 n.53, 119, 120 , 12 1 n.67

queen: 21 n.8, 99-101

Raoul le Noir (usher of the Parlement of Paris) 28 n.35, 30 n. 40

Raynaud, Gaston 31 n.3 red robes . See under Parlement of Paris : color o f

robes

registration (of edicts and ordonnances). See edicts, and under Chambre de s comptes , ordonnan -ces

Reims (Marne ) 77 n.7 ; archbishop of , (Jean d e Craon) 22 n. 12, (Pierre de Laval) 46 nn. 4 and 8, (Guillaume Briçonnet) 52 , (Charles of Lorraine) 72

Rely, Jean d e (bishop o f Angers, confessor o f Charles VIII) 48

remonstrances: of the Parlement of Paris, (1524) 59, (1547) 76-77 , 78 , 79, 98

René (duke o f Alençon; son o f Jea n II, duk e o f Alençon, and of Marie of Armagnac) 6 3 n, 8. See ako Alençon

René (bastard o f Savoy , coun t o f Villars , grand maître of France ; so n o f Philipp e II, duk e o f Savoy) 58, 59-6 0

Renée of France (duchess of Ferrara; wife of Erco-le II d'Este, duke of Ferrara; daughter of Louis -XII, kin g o f France , an d o f Anne , duches s o f Brittany and queen of France ) 7S n. 40

Rethel (Ardennes) . See Louis II (count of ) Revolution o f 1789, 95 Riant, Denis (roya l advocate ) 84-85 Robert I (count o f Artois; son of Loui s VIII, king

of France , an d o f Blanch e o f Castile , quee n o f France) 106

Robert II (count of Artois; son of Robert I , count of Artois, and of Mahaut of Brabant, daughter of Henri II, duk e o f Brabant , an d o f Mari e o f Swabia) 106, 10 7

Robert HI of Artois (count of Beaumont-le-Roger ; son of Philippe of Artois, lord of Conches, and of Blanche of Brittany, daughter of Jean II, duke of Brittany, an d o f Beatric e o f England ) 19, 2 3 n.13, 77, 105-8 , 110 , 114-15 , 115-16 ; registers recording proceeding s i n th e tria l o f 105, 108-21. See ako Beaumont-le-Roger

Robert III (count of Flanders; son of Guy of Dam-pierre, coun t o f Flanders , an d o f Mahau t o f Béthune, daughter of Robert VII, lord of Béthu-ne, an d of Isabea u of "Moreaumes " [Morialmé, in Belgium]) 23 n. 13, 63

Robert IV de la Marck (lord o f Sedan , marsha l o f France) 84. See ako Mark , Sedan

Robertet, Florimon d (roya l notar y an d secreta -ry) 54n.4 3

robes. See under Parlement of Paris: color of robes Roche Flavin, Bernard de la. See La Roche Flavin,

Bernard de, Rochefort (-sur-Nenon ; Jura, ar . Dole). See Guil-

laume, Guy (lord s of ) Roche-sur-Yon, La (Vendée). See Louis I of Bour-

bon, Loui s II of Bourbo n (prince s of ) Rome: ambassado r o f 46 n.4; emperor s o f 50

n. 25. See ako Senat e of Rom e

161

Rouen (Seine-Maritime) 46 n.6 , 9 1 n.7 , 92-93 , 123 n. 6; anonymous chronicler of, and lit 92-93 n. 11; archbishop of , (Godefro y o f Rohan ) 24, (Georges o f Amboise ; cardinal ; lor d o f Buss y and o f Saxefontaine ) 50, 98 n. 4. See also Parle-ment of

Saint-André (-d'Apchon; Loire , ar . Roanne, con. Saint-Haon-le-Châtel). See Albon , Jacque s d < (lord of )

Saint-André, Françoi s d e (president o f th e Parle-ment of Paris) , 87

Saint Bartholomew' s Day : massacr e o f 94 esp, n.21

Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire (Loiret , ar. Orléans, c. Ou-zouer-sur-Loire) 65 n. 13, 66-67

Saint-Denis (Seine-Saint-Denis): abbot of, (Jean de Villiers/La Groslaye, bishop of Lombez) 46 n. 8, (Aymar Gouffier) 58; archives o f 25, 9 9 n. 7; chronicles of 23,33,41,100. See ako Guillaume de Nangis, Jea n Chartier , Miche l Pintoui n (monks and chroniclers of )

Sainte-Maure (-de-Touraine; Indre-et-Loire, ar. Chinon). See Adrien of

Saint-Gelais, Jean de. See Jean de Saint-Gelais Saint-Gelais, Louis Lansac de (chevalier d'honneur

of Catherin e de Medicis) 93 n. 13 Saint-Germain-des-Prés 10 9 Saint-Jean (of Laon ) 24 Saint-Martin-des-Champs 105-6 n.4 Saint-Pol (-sur-Ternoise; Pas-de-Calais , ar. Arras).

See François of Bourbon, Louis of Luxembour g (counts of )

Saint-Severin, Galea s de (grand écuyer of France) 58

Salle Saint-Loui s (o f th e Palai s o f Paris ) 33, 8 8 n. 45, 94-95

Salle verte (of th e Palais of Paris ) 67 Scepeaux, François d e (count o f Durtal , lor d o f

Vieilleville), 78 n. 13, 88-89 . See also Duretal , Vieilleville

seals, royal 19-20 esp. n.3, 103 n.2, 118. See also Bertrand, Jean; Birague , René de ; Chauvelin, Louis-Germain de (keepers of )

séance: meaning of: 14 esp. n. 16 Sedan (Ardennes). See Robert IV de la Marck (lord

of) Seguier, Pierre (royal advocate) 84-85, 95 Selve, Jean d e (president o f th e Parlement of Pa -

ris) 59,64 Senate (o f Rome ) 44, 50 , 5 1 n.29, 52, 59 ; the

Parlement of Pari s as 52, 59 Sens (Yonne): archbishop of , (Rainulf/Renou l o f

Gorze, o f Monteruc/Montirac ) 24, (Jea n d e Montaigu) 37, (Antoine du Prat) 65 n. 3, 66-6 7

Seyssel, Claude de 41-42 , 53 , 55, 60

Sigismund (emperor ) 38 n. 29 Simon Davy (master of requests of the royal house-

hold) 45 Simonneau, Philippe, th e younger 113 n.33 Solente, Suzanne 31 n.2 Solomon 21 n. 9, 73 , 99, 101 ; throne o f 69 Sotheby, Wilkinson an d Hodge 104 n. 1, 119 Spain 123 n.9; ambassado r o f 52. See ako Ma -

drid, Treaty o f Sterling, Charle s 113-14 n. 38 subordination o f rule r to law 66 Suleiman the Magnificent 86 Sully (-sur-Loire, Loiret , ar. Orléans). See Maximi-

lien de Béthune (duke of )

Tanneguy du Chastel (viscoun t o f La Bellière , husband o f Jeanne o f Malestroit , councilo r an d chamberlain o f Charle s VII), 119, figs. 7-9. See ako Bellière, La

Taranto: princ e o f (Philipp e I o f Sicily ; so n o f Charles II, kin g o f Naples , an d o f Mari e o f Hungary, quee n of Naples ) 103 n. 2

taxes: to suppor t arm y 67 terminology: used to describe sessions of the Parle-

ment of Paris . See under Parlement of Paris : styles o f clerk s of

Thibault, Nicole (roya l procurator general ) 72 Thion,Jean 40n.3 8 Thou, Christophle de (president of the Parlement of

Paris) 13, 92, 104 Thou, Jacques-Auguste d e 12-13 , 1 6 n.21, 24-25

n. 22,41 n. 40,72 n. 44,82,88,92,93 n. 12,94. See ako lectkternium (justitiae)

Thouars (Deux-Sèvres, ar. Bressuire) . See Loui s (viscount of )

Three Estates of France . See Estates Genera l Tillemont, Loui s le Nai n de . See Le Nai n d e

Tlllemont, Loui s touch, royal (for scrofula ) 93 n. U Toulouse (Haute-Garonne) 110 , 123 n.6. See ako

Parlement of Tournelle criminelle 3 5 n . 17, 56 Tours (Indre-et-Loire) : Estates General of 40

n.39, 4 3 Trajan (Roman emperor) 50 n. 25 treason. See peers o f France : trials of treasurer, royal 79 Trémoille, La (La Trimouille; Vienne, ar. Montmo-

rillon). See Louis II (lord of ) Trésor des chartes 24-25 , 99 n. 7,108,109,110-11,

112, 121 . See ako Gerard de Montaigu ; Mole , Mathieu (guardians of )

Tur, Guillaume le . See Guillaume le Tur Turpin 77n. 7

University o f Paris 36 , 44, 68 n.2 5

162

Vaivre, Jean-Bernard d e 118-1 9 Valois. See Marguerite of Sicily (countess of), Char-

les II of , Charle s o f France , Loui s o f Franc e (counts of) , Jeanne of

Valois, Adrie n d e 2 0 n. 4 Vaquerie, Jean de la. See Jean de la Vaquerie Vendôme (Loir-et-Cher) 79,123 ; count of, (Fran-

çois of Bourbon) 4 6 nn . 4 an d 8 , (Charle s of Bourbon) 5 4 n.41 ; duk e of, (Charles of Bour-bon) 59, 63. See ako Charle s of Bourbon (count and duke of), Louis of Bourbon-, and under Jean II (duke of Alençon)

Venice: ambassado r o f 52, 58 . See ako Badoer , Giovanni

Vernade, Pierre de la. See La Vernade, Pierre de Vieilleville (Maine- et-Loire, ar . Angers, con. Dur -

tal, cne. Baracé. See Scepeaux, Francoi s de (lord of)

Vignay, Jean de. See Jean de Vignay Vulemer, Nicolas de. See Nicolas de Villemer Villevault, Louis-Guillaume d e 3 5 n. 18

Vincennes (Val-de-Marne, ar. Nogent-sur-Marne ) 11

Viste, Antoine le . See Le Viste, Antoine Vivonne (Vienne, ar. Poitiers). See Antoine of Volant, Guillaume (royal advocate ) 51 n.26 Vyon, Antoine (lord of Herouval ) 20 n. 4

wager of battl e 26-27, 30 Wales: princ e o f (Edwar d o f Woodstock ; so n o f

Edward III, king of England, and of Philippa of Hainault, queen of England ) 99 n. 8, 10 1 n. 15, 102 n.l

Waiford Rol l o f Arms 114 n.39 Waure, Jehan. See Jehan Waure Wavrin, Jehan de. See Jehan de Wavrin Westminster, Painte d Chamber of 21-22 n.9 Willequin, Jean. See Jean Willequin Wood, Charles T. 106 n. 4, 10 7 n. 7

Xenophon 55 n. 45

Zentralantiquariat Leipzig Gmb H 121 n. 67

163

Aus der Reihe

BEIHEFTE DER FRANCI A Band 30

Hermann Kamp

MEMORIA UND SELBSTDARSTELLUN G Die Stiftungen des

burgundischen Kanzler s Rolin

380 Seiten mit 1 0 Abbildungen • 17x24 cm • Leinen mit Schutzumschlag

Von der Antike bis zur Moderne sind Menschen immer wieder als Stifter aufgetre -ten, u m ube r de n To d hinau s de r Nachwel t i n Erinnerun g z u bleiben . Diese s Erinnerungsbedurfnis verban d sic h i m Mittelalte r mit der Sorg e u m da s eigen e Seelenheil. Der Autor zeichne t de n Wandel nach, der im ausgehenden Mittelalte r den Charakter der Stiftungen und damit auch die Sorge um ein Fortleben nach dem Tode erfafite. E r beschreibt exemplarisc h di e Stiftungen des burgundischen Kanz-lers Roli n (1376-1462), die, dan k de r Grôfienordnung und Langlebigkei t - das Hôtel-Dieu in Beaune ist noch heute eine touristische Attraktion - bestens uberlie-fert, ein e Fûlle von Einsichte n i n di e Stiftungspraxi s des lS.Jahrhunderts bieten . Neben de m Beaune r Spita l umfafi t de r untersucht e Stiftungskomple x Mefi - un d Kapellenstiftungen sowi e di e Griindun g eine r Kollegiatkirche . Kam p schilder t dariiber hinaus den biographischen und politischen Kontext, in dem die Stiftungen - das Werk eines Emporkommlings - entstanden sind.

1 Jan Thorbecke Verlag Sigmaringen